Third Age and Leisure Research: Principles and 
Practice 
Edited by Barbara Humberstone 
 
 
LSA Publication No. 108 
ISBN: 9781905369195 
Eastbourne, Leisure Studies Association 
 
 
Contents 
 
Third Age and Leisure Research: Principles  
and Practice ? Introduction 
Barbara Humberstone  ......................................................... v 
 
Gerontology-Leisure Research: The Past and the Future 
Carol Cutler-Riddick  ........................................................... 1 
 
Performing the Ageing Body and the Importance of Place:  
Some Autoethnographic Moments 
Andrew C. Sparkes  .......................................................... 21 
 
Reminiscence Workshops in Understanding  
the Leisure Lives of Older People: Case Study of  
Long-Term, Regular Theatregoers 
Jonathan Lewis ................................................................ 33 
 
Disability and Ageing ? Convergent Life Paths? 
Ian Brittain  ...................................................................... 49 
 
Managing Identity in Later Life through Leisure:  
Interpreting the Experiences of Older Athletes 
Rylee A. Dionigi ................................................................. 59 
 
Outdoor Adventures for the Third Age  
Mike Boyes  ...................................................................... 81 
 
?Being With Our Own Kind?: The Contexts of  
Gypsy-Traveller Elders? Social and Leisure Engagement 
Margaret Greenfields with Andrew Ryder  .......................... 97 
 
Practising Yoga Later in Life: A Mixed-Methods Study  
of English Women 
Carol Cutler-Riddick and Barbara Humberstone  .............. 117 
 
Movers & Shakers in Buckinghamshire: An Action  
Research Pilot Project Involving Caribbean Elders  
Olga McBarnett, Michael Bowker,  
Amanda Green and Graham Storer  ................................. 131 
 
Third Age and Leisure Research:  
Principles and Practice ?  Introduction 
Barbara Humberstone 
Buckinghamshire New University 
 
It [the increasing proportion of older people] is such a fundamental change in the 
nature and structure of society that it should lead to a fundamental shift in the 
way that society is understood and the way that society deals with itself. (Walker, 
n.d.)   
Introduction 
The 21st century has become known as the ?Silver Century?, the century of the older 
person (Magnus, 2008). In the vanguard of this significant restructuring of the 
generations, never before seen globally, with increasingly fewer young people and a 
greater proportion of older people, is Japanese society. The UK and other advanced and 
developed countries are not demographically far behind. The ?Baby Boomer? generation 
born around the end of World War II (1945?1962) is retired or about to retire1 and is set 
to make up a significant proportion of Western civilisation. Yet society is still very much 
attuned to the younger generations, whose members may regard the older generation as 
without cultural, social, economic or political significance. This ?structural lag?, in which 
ideas about older people and society are ?locked 20 or 30 years in the past?, Walker (n.d.) 
argues, is unprecedented and provides for current age discrimination: ?Ageism?, he says, 
?is deeply embedded in society yet the structures of society are changing in a radical 
way?. Popular discourse on ageing is largely out of kilter with the experiences of many of 
the over-60s population who have wealth, whilst there is a significantly contrasting 
negative position for those without such economic means2. 
 One aspect of ageism is the assumption that all ?older people? are the same, that they 
are a homogenous group in society. However, like all age cohorts, older individuals? 
experiences and lifestyles can be very different, being shaped by a variety of socio-
economic factors and lifestyle choices (Gilleard and Higgs, 2000). As a consequence of 
socio-cultural factors and a shift from modernity to late modernity, the relatively wealthy 
of the older generations have become targets for a variety of services and products 
(Blaikie, 1999), much of these from the health promotion and leisure lifestyle industries. 
Wheaton (2009: p. 137), referring to adverts exemplified in Saga, a UK magazine targeted 
at the older consumer, argues that ?neo-liberal ideologies of health are being promoted in 
which good consumer-citizens take personal responsibility for their health and well being, 
both by taking exercise and being active, and through purchasing products from the 
health industry?. 
 As a consequence of greater lifestyle choices, the consumer society and the 
increasing longevity of the older population, old age may be conceptualised as 
constituting first a ?third age? or early old age, taken as the period of life beginning around 
?retirement? when many older people are relatively healthy and active, having time for 
leisure and the pursuit of personal satisfaction which could last for a further 30 years. 
Then follows a ?fourth age? or deep old age, characterised by dependency, illness and 
impending death: this usually represents the last two or three of years of life (Laslett, 
1996; Gilleard and Higgs, 2002). Currently the Baby Boomer generation tends to make 
up the third age. This generation?s lives and consciousness shaped, and were shaped 
during, the ?sixties? youth culture. These experiences are unprecedented and largely 
ignored by social scientists (Marwick, 1998). 
 Health of and physical activity in older people ranges considerably from third age to 
fourth age. There is a significant difference between a 65 year old Masters athlete (see 
Dionigi, this volume) and a frail 98 year old experiencing ?deep old age?. Harper (1997: p. 
192), who is concerned with postmodern interpretations of ?subjectivities? of older 
persons, argues that: 
[c]hronological, biologically based age deterioration has been transformed by 
contemporary social structures into social and cultural signs, which are 
manifested in complex social relations. These relations, however, are located in 
particular temporal and spatial contexts, and are constantly contested and re-
created in struggles over identity politics. 
She points not only to the power of discourses in societies? and individuals? knowledge 
and understanding of being and becoming old, but also to the significance of contextual 
locations such as time and place. Whilst the contributions in this volume do not focus 
overtly on spatial or locational contexts, with the exception of Sparkes? and Boyes? 
chapters, they do explore a variety of social and cultural situations. 
 Much research around ageing and health has emerged from medical perspectives, 
which have largely pathologised what it is to age Thus the socio-cultural dimensions of 
ageing have frequently been ignored, as have the perspectives of the older person. At the 
same time, research into ageing, leisure and sport has for the most part been positivistic 
with little concern to understand and make sense of the experiences of older people 
themselves or their diverse positions in society. The significance of active leisure to older 
people and society is now becoming more greatly appreciated, yet associated research and 
analysis has tended to remain functionalist in approach. Research evidencing and 
advocating active leisure as a way towards a healthy old age is a positive strategy for 
individuals and society, but without locating this research in the broader socio-cultural 
contexts of ageing and taking seriously the voices of a diversity of older people, we can 
not fully understand what it really means to age to different people, nor can we hope to 
create good practices for healthy ageing (see Walker and Hagan Hennessy, 2004; Walker, 
2006). 
 It was for these reasons that we decided to put together this collection of papers that 
examines various aspects of ageing and leisure from a broad spectrum of perspectives. 
Background to this volume 
The antecedents of this book are broad. In June 2009, the conference ?Third Age and 
Leisure Research, Principles and Practice? (?Purple conference?3) was held at 
Buckinghamshire New University in partnership with the Leisure Studies Association. 
There were a number of reasons for holding this conference that focused specifically on 
leisure/sport research and practice and the ?third age?. We wanted to draw attention to 
this significant social phenomenon, unique to our ?Silver Century?, for matters associated 
with ageing appear some what neglected in sport and leisure discourse, particularly in 
the UK. To support this initiative, we invited Professor Carol Cutler-Riddick from 
Gallaudet University, USA to Buckinghamshire New University?s School of Sport and 
Leisure to contribute to this development and present one of the keynote papers at the 
conference. 
 We also wanted to draw attention to the diversity of methodological approaches in 
research that can bring greater insight into and knowledge of the third age and its 
constituents and which may ?trouble? popular notions of what it is to age. As such the 
chapters herein emerge from diverse epistemological positions ranging through post-
positivist meta-analysis to action research to narrative constructionist inquiry (Sparkes 
and Smith 2008). 
 Many of the chapters in this book were first presented at the conference. In addition, 
this collection includes a number of invited contributions which we felt would add further 
depth and diversity to understandings of leisure, sport and ageing. The interdisciplinary 
nature of research into leisure and ageing is evident in the backgrounds of the authors of 
the following chapters. These include leisure and gerontology, cultural studies, disability 
sport, sport sociology, adventure studies, social policy and community work. 
Later life, leisure and sport research 
The first chapter in this collection provides a meta-analysis of gerontology-leisure 
research by Carol Cutler Riddick. The chapter identifies shortcomings in this body of 
knowledge and suggests ways to create and monitor evidence-based interventions that 
may enhance the well-being of elders. Cutler-Riddick examines the growing body of 
largely post-positivistic research that evidences leisure activities as being positively 
related to the various components of older people?s health and successful aging. She 
critiques much of this work for the insufficient attention which it gives to diverse groups, 
for inadequate emphases on conducting applied research, and for its theoretical and 
methodology-related shortcomings. She argues that there can be numerous opportunities 
to conduct research directed at providing insights surrounding how recreation activities, 
as well as participation in formal programmes, can contribute to the health and well-
being of older persons and suggestions how best to set up and monitor evidence-based 
recreation programmes for older people. 
 Writing from an alternative, or complementary, epistemological position Andrew 
Sparkes speaks to the ageing process through an auto-ethnographic exploration of 
selected moments of his lived experience. Through the telling of stories of his visits to a 
?corporate fitness centre?, he draws attention to the ways in which age and embodiment 
are inexorably interlinked and accomplished within specific social, cultural and personal 
contexts. All the senses are evoked in a powerful narrative of what it is to be and become 
a male body no longer accomplishing and performing as a fit 20-something within a place 
that, for the most part, only venerates youth and the body beautiful. Sparkes journeys 
through various times and spaces that exist within the fitness centre, exploring as he 
travels his evoked physical, emotional and sensuous perceptions. His reflexive account 
points to the significance of telling and making visible the changing relationships over 
time of self, body and social context and the implications this has for meaning making, 
practices and expectations for later lives. ?Telling stories about ourselves to others is one 
way in which our ageing identities may be accomplished or performed? (Sparkes, this 
volume). In the following chapter the identities of older theatregoers unfold through the 
sharing of their past experiences.  
 Jonathan Lewis?s chapter also takes the reader into an interpretive research 
paradigm through an exploration of the use of ?reminiscence workshops? for exploring and 
understanding older people?s experiences, arguing that this form of qualitative research 
can be beneficial for both the researcher and participants. Lewis facilitated reminiscence 
workshops to understand the leisure lives of older, long-term, regular theatregoers and 
shows how these workshops enable a dynamic cross-fertilisation of memories to emerge 
in the friendly, creative environment which was fostered. Lewis highlights the ways in 
which, through engagement in the workshops, dormant memories of theatregoing are 
stimulated by the stories of other participants, whilst a deep understanding of 
participants? lifestyle choices emerged from co-questioning amongst researcher and 
participants. Participants in this study were keen to share their memories, and further 
investigated their own stories by talking to relatives or friends and reading diaries or 
programmes.  
 Lewis provides for the celebration of an aspect of a sector of older people?s lifestyles 
and memories. However, much understanding of ageing is developed from a variety of 
constructed models of old age, which have emerged not only from personal experiences 
but also from public notions of what it is to be old. Such public notions include ideas 
about frailty, dependency, and bodily and mental capabilities. This ?knowledge? is 
frequently disseminated through various professions, and eventually becomes reflected in 
policies providing for those who reach ?later life?. Rarely is the source of such knowledge 
questioned (Harper, 1997). However, Ian Brittain?s chapter draws attention to the ways 
in which the body as an ageing object tends to be viewed largely from medical 
perspectives, popularly seen as losing its abilities and faculties and signified as ?dis?-
abled. Brittain looks at notions of ageing from the perspective of disability studies and 
discusses the life paths of people with disabilities, comparing these with those of the non-
disabled population in terms of the way they are viewed by society. Three models of 
disability (medical, social and bio-social) are drawn upon to examine various 
understandings of the ageing process. Brittain argues that people with disabilities and 
non-disabled individuals begin their lives on pathways that are far apart, particularly in 
terms of societal perceptions and expectations of what they might achieve in their lives. 
As the non-disabled age they become subject to an increase in negative perceptions of 
their capabilities by many from younger generations. This is largely based on a perceived 
lessening of functional ability among a few older people. At this point, he suggests, both 
the disabled and the non-disabled older person are subject to negative perceptions about 
their abilities. As the non-disabled person begins to suffer from age-related illnesses and 
impairments, the line between disability- and age-related impairment becomes blurred. 
So that in later life, Brittain argues, individuals in both groups are subject to similar 
negative perceptions and experience. 
 Rylee Dionigi presents research in the following chapter that provides challenges to 
medical and popular discourses around the ageing body and mind, whilst also suggesting 
that older athletes are not ignoring the onset of later life but rather are managing their 
identities through the pursuit of their sport. Findings from her research into the multiple 
meanings that a group of older Australian adults aged 55 to 94 years attached to their 
experiences as Veteran or Senior athletic competitors are discussed. This research takes 
an interpretative approach, drawing upon traditional and post-modern concepts of 
identity construction and importantly draws attention to the nexus between social-
cultural contexts and older athletes? meanings. The chapter considers how the actions 
and perceptions of these older athletes intersect with broader social discourses of sport, 
leisure and ageing. 
 In the next chapter, a mixed method research approach, creating quantitative and 
qualitative data, is used by Carol Cutler Riddick and Barbara Humberstone to explore 
older women?s experience of yoga. The chapter represents a coming-together of the 
differing epistemological positions held by the two authors, together with their diverse 
professional and physical experiences. The study examines how practising yoga later in 
life may impact on older women?s well-being and health. Interviews between the 
researchers and six participants were conducted in order to explore the experiences of 
women, providing qualitative data. Questionnaires completed by a group of the yoga 
participants provide data concerned with competence, self-determination, and intrinsic 
and extrinsic motivations associated with older women practising yoga. 
Later life, leisure, social policy and practice 
The participants of Dionigi?s and Cutler-Riddick and Humberstone?s research largely 
maintain their athletic activities and well-being through their own initiatives and personal 
training in their sport or through their involvement in yoga. By contrast, in Mike Boyes? 
pilot study of New Zealand elders, offered in the next chapter, the participants engage in 
outdoor adventure programmes made available specifically for them. Whilst the 
importance of the natural environment to well-being has been well documented4 
(Humberstone and Stan, 2009; O?Neill et al., 2008), its significance to older people has 
generally only been noted in relation to gardens or local parks, rather than more 
adventurous or ?lifestyle? activities. Here, Boyes highlights a case study approach to 
exploring seniors? engagement in adventure activities in natural outdoor environments, 
examining the perspectives of older people participating in and committing to particular 
aspects of adventure in nature, in particular the elements of risk and uncertainty. 
 The final two chapters in this collection consider, from social policy perspectives, the 
lives of elders of minority groups. In the penultimate chapter, Margaret Greenfield with 
Andrew Ryder discuss the leisure engagement of Gypsy-Travellers. They draw upon a 
recent research project into Gypsies and Travellers Accommodation and other Needs 
Assessment (GTANA) to explore structural barriers to inclusion in mainstream leisure 
activities for elders of these communities. The chapter highlights a preference for social 
and leisure activities that enables the elders to participate in community networks such 
as those avail-able through horse fairs ? highlighting, however, how support of family 
members is necessary for their participation. This chapter raises important issues around 
imposed lifestyles and leisure exclusion for minority elder Gypsy and Travellers and 
makes suggestions for policy actions by leisure and sport providers and local 
communities. 
 The final chapter reflects on a pilot action research project ?Movers and Shakers?, 
initiated for Caribbean elders in the local community by Olga McBarnett and a team of 
volunteer retirees including Michael Bowker, Graham Storer, and yoga teacher Amanda 
Green. The project, through its regular events, aims to encourage older people in the 
local community into a programme of physical, mental and creative activity to reverse the 
inactivity which may have developed as they became older. The pilot project discussed 
here focuses on the provision of the programme with Caribbean elders. The chapter 
highlights how government policy, in this case in relation to mental health and well-being 
in older people, can successfully be realised in practice with the vision and commitment 
of organisers and volunteers5. Some of the views of the participants involved in the 
regular meetings ? in which participants may choose to take part in activities such as a 
form of adapted yoga, a Caribbean style lunch, and engage in mental activities and learn 
about photography ? are recorded and examined. This chapter evidences the potential 
and possibilities of making available and accessible holistic programmes in which there is 
collaboration amongst all those involved. It provides an understanding of how best to 
enhance the well-being and health of elders from diverse communities in 
Buckinghamshire. 
Concluding remarks 
The interdisciplinary nature of leisure and ageing studies is emphasised through the 
differing methodological underpinnings of each of the chapters presented herein. The 
diversity of research approaches represented enriches our understandings of later life and 
highlights many of the ways in which leisure and sport are significant for healthy ageing. 
 Whilst large-scale statistical surveys on global and national age profiles, such as 
those commissioned by government bodies, are vital, the importance of small-scale 
interpretative studies, narrative inquiries, mixed method and action research projects 
such as those collected here should not be underestimated. They can inform the practical 
frameworks through which policies on healthy ageing can be realised, and so enrich the 
experiences of those in later life. Moreover, we would argue for a greater acceptance and 
valuing by policy makers of both the methodological processes and the ?products? of forms 
of interpretative research which are exemplified in the contributions to this book. 
Acknowledgements 
I would like to thank all those involved in making the ?purple conference? happen, 
particularly Lyn Hawkins and Sarah Jennings at Bucks New University. Thanks also go 
to Emily Coates, Alan Hockley and Ina Stan who helped to make the conference run 
smoothly on the day. The Leisure Studies Association?s support for the conference is very 
much appreciated; and thanks especially go to Myrene McFee for her patience and 
expertise in the production of this volume.  
Notes 
1  Formal retirement age at which older people are compelled to retire varies across 
developed nations. In the USA, New Zealand and Australia academics are not 
required to retire when reaching a specified age. The current fixed general 
retirement age of 65 years in UK is a matter for policy debate with challenges to it 
being made in the European Court of Human Rights (Syedain, 2010). 
2  A report commissioned in UK by the Labour government identifies an increasing gap 
between the rich and poor over the last 40 years which has only slightly been 
ameliorated during the last 10 years. In respect of later life the report draws 
attention to major difference in wealth: ?[I]nequalities affecting different groups in 
the labour market are magnified in the resources people reaching retirement have 
through pensions, housing and savings. The end result is huge differences in the 
resources, including pension rights, with which people enter retirement? (National 
Equity Panel, January 2010: p. 34). 
3  The conference was informally known as ?the Purple conference? in reference to the 
popular poem by Jenny Joseph: ?Warning ? When I Am an Old Woman I Shall Wear 
Purple?. 
4  New Visions Conference, 25 June, 2009 Royal Horticultural Hall, UK, ?New 
Horizons, a shared vision for mental health?. The message of this conference referred 
to the need for ?better mental health and well-being for all? and ?the health benefits 
of connecting people to nature: creating meaning and purpose?, outlined in a 
presentation by William Bird, Strategic Health Advisor for Natural England. 
5  New Horizons is a government framework for developing wellbeing through 
flourishing people and connected communities (Department of Health, 2009). 
References 
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developing well-being. London: Department of Health. 
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??? (2002) ?The third age: Class, cohort or generation??, Ageing and Society Vol. 22. No. 
3: pp. 369?382. 
Harper, S. (1997) ?Contesting later life?, in P. Cloke and J. Little (eds) Contested 
countryside cultures. London: Routledge. 
Humberstone, B. and Stan, I. (2009) ?Well-being and outdoor pedagogies in primary 
schooling: The nexus of well-being and safety?, Australian Journal of Outdoor 
Education Vol. 13, No. 2: pp. 24?32. 
Laslett, P. (1996) A fresh map of life. Hampshire: Macmillan. 
Magnus, G. (2008) The age of aging: How demographics are changing the global economy 
and our world. UK: John Wiley and Son. 
Marwick, A. (1998) The sixties. Oxford: Oxford University Press. 
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January, 2010. 
O'Neill, J., Holland, A. and Light, A. (2008) Environmental values. Oxford: Routledge. 
Sparks, A. and Smith, B. (2008) ?Narrative constructionist inquiry?, in J.A. Holstein and 
J.F. Curium (eds) Handbook of constructionist research. London: The Guildford 
Press. 
Syedain, H. (2010) ?A new era for age?, People Management (14th January): pp. 18?23. 
Walker, A. (2006) (ed) Understanding quality of life in old age. Buckingham: Open 
University Press. 
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esrc.ac.uk/ESRCInfoCentre/PO/briefings/Ageingand Society.aspx? (accessed 
24/01/10). 
Walker, A. and Hagan Hennessy, C. (eds) (2004) Growing older: Quality of life in old age. 
Berkshire: Open University Press. 
Wheaton, B. (2009) ?The cultural politics of lifestyle sport (re)visited: Beyond white male 
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Leisure Studies Association, pp. 131?160. 
Practising Yoga Later in Life:  
A Mixed-Methods Study of English Women 
Carol Cutler Riddick* and Barbara Humberstone** 
* Professor and Graduate Coordinator, Gallaudet University, USA; Visiting Professor, 
Buckinghamshire New University, UK 
** Buckinghamshire New University, UK 
How this study came about 
The study developed through the interest and expertise of Carol Cutler Riddick in 
gerontology and leisure, and through Barbara Humberstone?s research background 
focusing on women and physical activity. The inquiry evolved when Carol came to 
Buckinghamshire New University as a visiting professor in gerontology and leisure in 
January 2009; and, we decided to explore together the topic of older women?s experiences 
taking part in yoga. 
 Barbara?s research is largely interpretative in orientation, with a tendency to work 
within ethnographic paradigms. Barbara has been participating in yoga regularly for the 
past 8 years ? both formally, once or twice a week in classes and informally through 
usually daily practice of about 20?30 minutes. Yoga might be viewed as very different 
from most of Barbara?s other physical activities which are outdoor ?adventure? style (such 
as windsurfing). But for several years, Barbara has been interested in exploring yoga in 
its broadest sense.  
 Carol?s background includes conducting both quantitative and mixed-methods 
research studies. In particular, one of her recurring research themes has been examining 
how recreation activity affects the mental health of older women, especially members of 
minority groups. Most of Carol?s own hobbies involve out-of-doors settings (sailing, 
kayaking, hiking, and outdoor photography). In an effort to become introduced to yoga, 
Carol began formal instruction in yoga in early 2009. She participated in organized 
classes about twice per week and informally practised yoga daily for about 10 minutes. 
Carol?s initial plan was to engage in formal yoga instruction for a month or two. She 
entered the classes with an understanding and appreciation that yoga could change some 
people?s lives. Nevertheless, Carol was a less than robust participant (recovering from a 
partial big-toe amputation) and was sceptical that her personality characteristics would 
enable her to experience yoga as either enjoyable or beneficial. To Carol?s surprise and 
delight, within the first few weeks of instruction, she found yoga relaxing and restorative 
(she noticed improvements in her balance, coordination, and flexibility). Consequently, 
Carol maintained formal yoga instruction for the duration of her 7?month stay in 
England (and is on a quest to find a new yoga instructor now that she has returned to the 
States). 
Yoga and literature review 
Yoga is an mind-body exercise popular around the world. We do not intend to present a 
historical-philosophical background to yoga. Suffice it to suggest that yoga has 
antecedents in ancient, Eastern religion and is still practised in many forms. Yoga has 
been taken up in the West largely as a ?gentle? physical activity. An estimated 8% of 
United Kingdom adults participate in yoga (Mintel Reports, 2009).  
 A number of commonly practised yoga styles exist (Chen et al., 2007). Briefly 
described, Hatha/Ivenga yoga emphasizes physical postures and breathing. In particular, 
this kind of yoga focuses on increasing strength, flexibility and balance by adopting 
stationary positions that contract and relax different muscle groups, and pays attention 
to diaphragm breathing and deep relaxation. Raja yoga, also known as ?Classical Yoga?, 
was introduced in the 15th century. This style is concerned principally with cultivation of 
the mind using meditation. Hence, with Raja yoga, the focus is primarily on mental and 
spiritual mastery. Dru yoga emphasizes dance-like graceful flowing movements, direct 
breathing, and visualization focusing on body, mind and spirit; thus, the aim is to 
improve flexibility and strength, create core stability, build a heightened feeling of 
positivity, and deeply relax and rejuvenate the participant. There is also ?power? yoga, a 
strand of aerobic yoga that is based on the Ashthanga style. Unlike Ashtanga, however, 
power yoga does not follow a series of poses. Power yoga classes can vary widely, though 
all share common emphases on increasing strength and flexibility. Finally, there is 
?Bikram? or hot yoga, practised in a room heated to 105?F/40.5?C. This style uses a series 
of 26 postures and two breathing exercises to promote general wellness. 
 A review of literature reveals that few studies have heretofore examined non-
institutionalized, older person?s experiences with yoga. Only seven tangentially-related 
studies (most adopting quantitative methodology) were identified. A brief synopsis of 
these studies now follows.  
 Morris (2008) randomly assigned American women to either an 8?week yoga class, 
balance-training class, or awareness class. Yoga class participants, relative to the other 
two groups, experienced improvements in mobility and steadiness. Bonura (2007) also 
randomly assigned American seniors (both males and females) to a chair yoga program, a 
chair exercise program, or a ?waitlist?. The first two groups underwent a 6?week 
intervention and those taking part in yoga, relative to the other two groups, experienced 
improved scores for general self-efficacy as well as on various psychological dimensions. 
Semi-structured interviews, surrounding perceived benefits of yoga, uncovered three 
groupings of benefits or those related to physical benefits, mental benefits, and 
emotional/spiritual benefits. In Taiwan, Chen et al. (2007) pilot-tested a ?Silver Yoga? 
programme for older adults. After one month, a subset of 14 women participants 
responded to a series of open-ended questions. Among the findings were that the 
individuals felt more energetic, had more strength, slept better, and experienced greater 
flexibility and improved physical health. 
 Oken et al. (2006) monitored 118 healthy elders (females and males) who had 
volunteered to be randomly assigned to either a 6?month yoga or exercise class, or a ?wait 
list?. Individuals in the yoga class, relative to the other two groups, experienced significant 
improvements in physical measures as well as quality of life measures. Leininger (2006) 
investigated how yoga exercise affected healthy, community-dwelling, older, American 
women. Using a single-blind, randomized controlled pretest-posttest design, women were 
assigned either to a 10?week Hatha yoga exercise program or an education group. The 
yoga group members, compared to the education group, experienced a significant 
improvement in mobility, but did not experience significant changes in balance, balance 
confidence, or perceived vitality. In India, Nagala (2006) conducted interviews with 150 
women who attended a yoga camp. Close to 85% of the women expected the yoga camp to 
help them with their physical and mental fitness as well as better prepare them to deal 
with tensions and worries. It was concluded these expectations were met since 78% 
believed they had benefited physically and mentally from attending the yoga camp. 
Manjunath and Telles (2005) examined how yoga training affected the sleep of older 
males and females. Individuals felt yoga training resulted in decreased time needed to fall 
asleep as well as increased total number of hours slept.  
 More recently, McBarnett et al. (this volume) have written about the ?Movers and 
Shakers? project that has been set up as an holistic community approach to promoting 
well-being for elders living in their own homes in England. The significance of the ?chair-
based? yoga classes to the Caribbean elders is highlighted. 
Study purposes and significance  
The purposes of this study were two-fold. One aim of the investigation was to uncover 
some of the meanings/perspectives/lived experiences women derived from or associated 
with taking up and practising yoga later in life. A second objective was to measure, 
retrospectively and quantifiably, older women?s beliefs regarding yoga-induced feeling 
states. 
 This study is significant for a couple of reasons. First, there is a paucity of research 
on active older women. For example, a five-year review of eight leisure-oriented journals 
reported that less than one-third of the published articles examined some aspect of adult 
women?s lives (Henderson and Hickerson (2007). In particular (as evident from the review 
of literature reported above), the voices of women, who practise yoga later in their life 
cycle, have rarely been recorded. Second, few mixed-method studies exist that chronicle 
either why women get involved in yoga and/or how yoga participation affects their lives. A 
mixed-methods design allows for complementary results to be generated that will provide 
independent and additive information to our knowledge base (Morgan, 1998). 
Adopted theoretical perspectives 
Researcher?s perspectives have implications for the choice of methods or techniques, as 
well as for the ways in which the research is assessed as legitimate and the findings 
taken to be acceptable knowledge (Humberstone, 2004). To reiterate, this study adopted a 
mixed-methods approach. Admittedly, there is debate surrounding the integration of 
qualitative and quantitative methods, particularly in respect of differing epistemological 
and ontological worldviews (Bryman, 2006). We, therefore, acknowledge each co-author?s 
differing ontological and epistemological backgrounds and perspectives on the nature of 
knowledge and its legitimization (see Humberstone, 1997)1.  
 Adoption of a standpoint perspective requires discarding reliance on conventional 
epistemological assumptions surrounding the nature of knowledge and the relation of the 
researcher to knowledge. As Smith (1992: p. 91) notes, the rejection of ?...standard good 
social scientific methodologies? is imperative because these methodologies ?... produce 
people as objects?, for, if sociologists ?... work with standard methods of thinking and 
inquiry, they import the relations of ruling into the texts they produce?.  
 Critical and/or feminist perspectives (by contrast) acknowledge that researchers 
bring their own values, presumptions, and histories to their research. A feminist 
perspective rejects the notion of neutral social science research. Instead, the perspective 
recognizes that knowledge and its production are both complex and contestable 
(Hammersley and Atkinson, 1983; Humberstone, 1997, 2004; Richardson, 1991).  
 Additionally, a postpositivist perspective was employed to provide a framework by 
which to begin to examine the feeling states older women attribute to engaging in yoga. In 
particular, the self-determination theory (Ryan and Deci, 2000) was used to guide this 
aspect of the study. Self-determination theory essentially posits the notion that one?s 
perceptions regarding activity competence and autonomy (or knowing what is wanted 
from the activity), coupled with intrinsic and extrinsic motivations, will temper emotive 
feelings associated with activity engagement.  
 Furthermore, it was anticipated that interpersonal interactions with one?s yoga 
instructor would also have some bearing on the affective states derived from yoga 
(Bonura, 2007). The network of anticipated ex post facto relationships (Riddick and 
Russell, 2008) that were deduced a priori are identified in Figure 1.  
 
 
 
Figure 1 A model, based on self-determination theory, for explaining affects older 
women will derive from yoga 
Research questions 
Using constructivist as well as postpostivist frames of reference, the nine research 
questions presented below were examined. Questions 1 through 4 are grounded in the 
feminist perspective; research questions 5 through 9 emanated from the application of 
self-determination theory to structured inquiry: 
1. Why did women begin yoga? 
2. Why do older women practise yoga? 
3. How has yoga impacted on their lives? 
4. What benefits do older women attribute to yoga? 
5. How competent and self-determined do the older women feel about yoga? 
6. Are females intrinsically and extrinsically motivated to continue yoga later in life? 
7. How do the older women judge the teaching style of their yoga instructor? 
8. Do intrinsic and extrinsic motivations as well as interpersonal interactions with 
instructor influence emotive feelings about yoga? 
9. Do feelings of competency and self-determination influence intrinsic motivations? 
Extrinsic motivations?  
Design methodologies and instrumentation 
Qualitative methods, in the form of open-ended interviews, were embraced in order to 
gain insights into the meanings yoga experiences have for the older women. Participants 
were recruited for the study with the assistance of Carol and Barbara?s yoga instructors. 
Both taught yoga classes, in a variety of settings, over a week?s period of time. Both made 
a brief announcement of the study in their respective classes. Female class members 
aged 50 years or older, who had been taking formal yoga classes for one or more years, 
and who were interested in participating as a key informant in the study, were asked to 
let the instructor know of their willingness to participate in the study.  
 In total, 21 women volunteered and completed a questionnaire (see paragraph below) 
for the study. An important caveat is that the findings reported herein are a ?work-in-
progress?. Because of time constraints, only 6 of the 21 women were interviewed, during 
spring and summer 2009, for the qualitative part of the study reported here. Three of 
these women were linked to Carol?s yoga instructor; and, the other three were taught by 
Barbara?s yoga instructor.  
 The two authors collaborated and unilaterally agreed on the face validity of questions 
posed during the interview. The six women engaged in 40?50 minute interviews, and all 
agreed to audio recording of their interview. The interviews were free flowing; 
nevertheless, we asked similar questions. The transcribed conversations provided the 
opportunity to uncover the lived experiences of older women in terms of the stories each 
had to tell around yoga. 
 Additionally, quantitative methods, in the form of a questionnaire, were adopted to 
enable comparison of our findings with previous research conducted from positivistic 
perspectives. The key informants were asked a series of demographic and yoga 
background questions, and were queried using instruments that had been designed to 
measure affect (namely positive affect and tranquility affect) associated with participating 
in yoga, motivations for practising yoga, interactions with yoga instructor and, finally, 
self-perceived competency and autonomy experienced with yoga involvement (see Table 
1). 
 
Table 1 Instrumentation used to conduct the quantitative part of the study 
 
C onc e pt H ow  M e a s ur e d N o.
of
I t e m s
us e d
P r e v i ous
D oc um e nt e d
V a l i d i t y
P r e v i ous
D oc um e nt e d
R e l i a bi l i t y
C r onba c h
A l pha
P r e v i ous /
T hi s  S t ud y
P os i t i ve
A f f e c t
E xpe r i e nc e d
f r om  Y oga
M odi f i e d  P hy s i c a l
A c t i vi t y  A f f e c t
S c a l e   
( L ox e t  al ., 2 000)
3 F a c t or
A na l ys e s
N ot  r e p or t e d .94 / .66
T r a nqu i l i t y
A f f e c t
E xpe r i e nc e d
f r om  Y oga
M odi f i e d  P hy s i c a l
A c t i vi t y  A f f e c t
S c a l e   
( L ox e t  al ., 2 000)
3 F a c t or
A na l ys e s
N ot  r e p or t e d .84 / .87
I nt r i ns i c
M ot i v a t i on s
f or  Y oga
P a r t i c i pa t i on   
M odi f i e d  S por t
M ot i v a t i on  S c a l e
( P e l l e t i e r  e t  al .,
19 95)
3 C ons t r uc t  &
P r e di c t i ve
T e s t - r e t e s t  =
.70
.69 ?85/ .63
E xt r i ns i c
M ot i v a t i on
f or  Y oga
P a r t i c i pa t i on
M odi f i e d  S por t
M ot i v a t i on  S c a l e
( P e l l e t i e r  e t  al .,
19 95)
1 C ons t r uc t  &
P r e di c t i ve
T e s t - r e t e s t  =
.70
.69 ?.85 /
I nt e r a c t i o ns
w i t h Y oga
I ns t r u c t or
A d a pt e d f r om
A c a d e m i c
M ot i v a t i on  S c a l e
( P e l l e t i e r  e t  al .,
19 95)
2 F a c e N ot  r e p or t e d .80 / .70
F e e l i ng s  o f
C om pe t e nc y
&  S e l f -
D e t e r m i n -
a t i on
E xpe r i e nc e d
w i t h Y oga
M odi f i e d  I nt r i ns i c
M ot i v a t i on  i n
L e i s ur e  S c a l e
( W e i s s i nge r  &
B a nd a l os , 1 995)
2 F a c t or
a na l y s e s  &
c ons t r u c t
T e s t - r e t e s t  =
.59 ?.61
.69 ?.80 / .47
 
 
Qualitative inquiry findings 
To reiterate, in-depth interviews were conducted with 6 women. Their ages ranged from 
56 to 72 years; the numbers of years of involvement in yoga ranged from 1 to 30 years 
(see Table 2). Pseudonyms were used to maintain the anonymity of the participants. 
 
Table 2 Characteristics of 6 women who participated in in-depth interviews 
 
P a r t i c i p a n t A g e Y e a r s  I n v o l v e d   
w i t h  Y o g a
? R h o n a ? 72 1
? P a u l a ? 60 6 ? 7
? A n n a ? 56 9
? J e n n y ? 59 20
? J a n e t ? 64 2 6  ( i n t e r m i t t e n t )
? B e l l a ? 71 30 
 
 
 
Research question 1.  Initially, participants were asked to recall reasons why they started 
yoga. A couple of women reported beginning yoga because a friend or neighbor had 
recommended it. As illustrated below, many of the women had a health-related reason for 
taking up yoga: 
? Jenny started yoga because of an injury experienced with childbirth. 
? Anna began yoga because of the extreme stress she had experienced as a primary 
school head teacher. 
? Rhona?s reason for taking up yoga was the onset of Parkinson?s disease and her 
determination to slow down the disease?s progression. 
Research question 2.  When asked about why they practised yoga, two individuals shared 
the following thoughts: 
? Paula said yoga ?Helps to organize my life more?. 
? And for Bella, after being quiet for a few seconds stated, ?... it has calmed me down ? 
I love the peace it can bring? and then, after a moment of hesitation, proudly added, 
?My body is quite young for my age!? 
 
Research question 3.  Another line of inquiry was to ask the interviewed women how yoga 
had impacted on their personal and work/home lives. There was a variety of responses to 
this question. For example: 
? Jenny said that, ?I?ve become a better person ? more thoughtful, can?t imagine life 
without it?.  
? Anna indicated that yoga ?Helps with the stress of teaching ?  now able to manage 
class and school with more energy?. 
? Rhona, who is in her 70s and still works part-time says, yoga ?? probably keeps me 
more agile ? going up and down stairs carrying the vacuum cleaner and things like 
that?. 
? Bella highlighted the importance of yoga in her early life when she had to continually 
move because of her husband?s military reassignments, ?Everywhere I?ve lived I first 
had to find schools for my children, a doctor, a church and a yoga class, then I was 
settled?. 
 
Research question 4.  The women were also asked to comment on the benefits they felt for 
taking part in yoga. Responses fell between two themes or physical and mental/emotional 
benefits.  
Some physical benefits cited included: 
? ?You feel as though every muscle is being massaged? (Janet). 
? ?I feel more mobile? (Paula). 
? It has ? ? meant I?ve stayed very flexible ? and improved my balance and posture? 
(Bella). 
When asked about mental benefits reaped from yoga, the women shared the following 
insights: 
? ?My husband says I come home looking much happier?, and ?I sleep better? (Anna). 
? ?Chills you out ? taking away other pressures? (Janet).  
? ?Relaxation? (Paula). 
 
Finally, one of the six interviewed women alluded to an ?energetic? benefit that she derived 
from yoga. Specifically, Anna?s commented, ?I couldn?t believe how powerful yoga is?. 
Quantitative inquiry findings 
As previously mentioned, 21 women participated in the quantitative aspect of the study 
(Table 3). 
 
Table 3 Background characteristics of women involved in quantitative aspect of the 
study (N = 21) 
 
C h a r a c t e r i s t i c R a n g e  ( M e d i a n )  o r  F r e q u e n c y  ( % )
A g e 5 0 ? 8 1  y e a r s  ( 6 0 )
E d u c a t i o n 9 ? 2 0  y e a r s  ( 1 5 )
E m p l o y m e n t  S t a t u s C a r e e r  H o m e m a k e r  = 3  ( 1 4 % )
R e t i r e d  = 8  ( 3 8 % )
E m p l o y e d  P a r t - T i m e  =  8  ( 3 8 % )
E m p l o y e d  F u l l  T i m e  = 1  ( 1 0 % )
P e r c e i v e d  I m p o r t a n c e  o f P h y s i c a l  A c t i v i t y E x t r e m e l y  I m p o r t a n t  = 1 4  ( 6 7 % )
S o m e w h a t  I m p o r t a n t  = 7  ( 3 3 % ) 
 
 The median age of this group was 60 years, with most having continued their 
education beyond secondary school. Surveyed participants had varied employment 
status. Almost one-half (48%) of the women were employed part-time or full-time. When 
asked to rank the importance of physical activity in their life, the group norm was to view 
exercise as ?Extremely Important?.  
 There was diversity regarding the age at which yoga was first learned (the median 
was 46 years of age) and number of years the women had practised yoga (median = 17 
years). The number of times per week yoga was practised also varied (the median was 2 
days). Relatedly, about 80% of the queried women rated themselves as having 
?Intermediate? yoga ability (see Table 4).  
 Table 5 presents some of the descriptive findings. The majority of queried women felt 
competent practising yoga. Additionally, most of the women said they knew what they 
wanted from yoga (a proxy measure of autonomy). 
 
Table 4 Yoga background of women involved in quantitative aspect of the study (N = 
21) 
C h a r a c t e r i s t i c R a n g e  ( M e d i a n )  o r  F r e q u e n c y  ( % )
A g e  F i r s t  L e a r n e d  Y o g a 2 2 ? 7 1  y e a r s  ( 4 6 )
#  Y e a r s  P r a c t i s e d  Y o g a 2 ? 4 3  y e a r s  ( 1 7 )
#  T i m e s / W e e k  P r a c t i s e  Y o g a 1 ? 7  d a y s  ( 2 )
S e l f - R a t i n g  Y o g a  A b i l i t y B e g i n n e r  =  3  ( 1 4 % )
I n t e r m e d i a t e  =  1 7  ( 8 1 % )
I n t e r m e d i a t e /  A d v a n c e d  =  1  ( 5 % ) 
Table 5 Self perceptions, motivations, and interactions with yoga instructor (N = 21) 
 
R e s e ar c h  Q u e s t i on V e r y /
S t r o n gl y
A gr e e   
N  ( % )
A gr e e
N  ( % )
N e u t r a l   
N  ( % )
5A . F e e l  c o m pe t e nt  p r a c t i s i n g  y og a 12  ( 5 7% ) 9 ( 43 % )
5B . K no w  w ha t  w a nt  f r om  yoga 11  ( 5 2% ) 6 ( 29 % ) 4 ( 19 % )
6A . E xp e r i e nc e  pl e a s ur e  f r om  l e a r ni n g  y og a   8 ( 38 % ) 9 ( 43 % ) 4 ( 19 % )
6B . F e e l  s a t i s f a c t i on  f r o m  t r yi n g  m a s t e r  y og a   4 ( 19 % ) 14  ( 6 7% ) 3 ( 14 % )
6C . Y oga  he l ps  m e  g e t  i n s ha pe  e m ot i on a l l y
a nd  p hys i c a l l y   
16  ( 7 6% ) 5 ( 24 % )
6D . F e e l  pl e a s ur e  pr a c t i s i ng yo g a   15  ( 7 1% ) 6 ( 29 % )
7A . I ns t r u c t or  pr ov i d e s  c on s t r uc t i v e  f e e db a c k
t o he l p m e  i m pr ov e
12  ( 5 7% ) 9 ( 43 % )
7B . I n s t r uc t or  pr o vi d e s  r a t i o na l e  f or  a s ki ng
m e  t o do s om e t hi n g
14  ( 6 7% ) 7 ( 33 % )
 
 
 
Turning to three questions that gauged intrinsic motivation (Table 5): 
? about 80% of the queried group said they experienced pleasure from learning yoga; 
? approximately 85% felt satisfaction from trying to master yoga; and 
? all (100%) felt yoga helped them get in shape emotionally and physically. 
Furthermore, close to three-fourths (71%) felt the extrinsic motivation of ?pleasure? from 
practicing yoga. Finally, a majority of the women reported that their instructors provided: 
(a) Constructive criticism that enabled the individual to improve in yoga; as well as, (b) a 
rationale for what was being asked during yoga instruction (Table 5).  
 Testing the proposed model (see Figure 1 and Research Questions 8 and 9) related 
to: (a) identifying if different kinds of motivations for engaging in yoga, as well as 
interpersonal interactions with one?s yoga instructor that impinged on emotional affects, 
derived from that activity; and (b) understanding if perceptions surrounding yoga 
competence and autonomy temper motivations.  
 Results, highlighted in Table 6, supported some of the speculated relationships. 
Namely: 
? intrinsic and extrinsic motivations emerged as positively influencing both positive 
affect (measured by self-report emotions of being ?Upbeat?, ?Energetic?, and 
?Enthusiastic?) and tranquility (as gauged by feeling ?Calm?, ?Peaceful? and ?Relaxed?) 
from yoga; 
? experiencing positive interpersonal interactions with yoga instructor(s) was associated 
with the likelihood of experiencing greater tranquility when practising yoga; 
? the more competent the older women felt regarding their yoga competency, the more 
likely they were to experience pleasure (an extrinsic motivation) from practising yoga.  
 
 
Table 6 Bivariate correlations examining hypothesized relationships  
in the sample (N = 21) 
 
F i n d i n g s S t a t i s t i c s
I n t r i n s i c  m o t i v a t i o n s  i n f l u e n c e :  p o s i t i v e  a f fe c t  a n d
t r a n q u i l i t y  d e r i v e d  fr o m  y o g a
r ( 2 1 )  =  . 7 5 ,  p  <  . 0 1
r  ( 2 1 )  =  . 8 0  ,  p  <  . 0 1
E x t r i n s i c  m o t i v a t i o n  s h a p e s :  p o s i t i v e  a f fe c t  a n d
t r a n q u i l i t y  e x p e r i e n c e d  fr o m  y o g a
r ( 2 1 )  =  . 6 1 ,  p  <  . 0 1
r  ( 2 1 )  =  . 8 4 ,  p  <  . 0 1
I n t e r p e r s o n a l  s k i l l s  o f y o g a  t e a c h e r  h a s  a n  e ffe c t  o n
t r a n q u i l i t y  e x p e r i e n c e d  fr o m  y o g a  p r a c t i c e
r  ( 2 1 )  =  . 4 8 ,  p  <  . 0 5
P e r c e i v e d  c o m p e t e n c y  a f fe c t s  p l e a s u r e  d e r i v e d  f r o m
p r a c t i s i n g  ( e x t r i n s i c  m o t i v a t i o n )  y o g a
r  ( 2 1 )  =  . 4 3 ,  p  <  . 0 3
H y p o t h e s i z e d  r e l a t i o n s h i p s  b e t w e e n :  i n t e r p e r s o n a l  s k i l l s
t e a c h e r  a n d  p o s i t i v e  a ff e c t ;  p e r c e i v e d  c o m p e t e n c y  a n d
i n t r i n s i c  m o t i v a t i o n s ;  a n d ,  b e t w e e n  a u t o n o m y  a n d
i n t r i n s i c  o r  e x t r i n s i c  m o t i v a t i o n s
N o t  s t a t i s t i c a l l y  s i g n i fi c a n t
 
 
 Contrastingly, no empirical support emerged to support four hypothesized 
relationships outlined in Figure 1. That is, no significant relationships emerged between: 
interpersonal skills of the teacher and positive affect, perceived competency and intrinsic 
motivations, or between autonomy and intrinsic or extrinsic motivations. 
 Based on these findings, modifications to the original model (presented in Figure 1) 
appear to be warranted. Figure 2 presents a revised model supported by the empirical 
data from our study. 
 
 
 
 
Figure 2 Revised model to explain affects derived from yoga 
 
 
Concluding remarks 
Although this research is ?work in progress?, we have added to the preliminary knowledge 
base by undertaking a mixed-methods study of English women who practised yoga later 
in their life. Qualitative methods unveiled insights regarding why the interviewed women 
began yoga, how yoga has influenced their lives, as well as some of the physical and 
mental benefits experienced from yoga. Further in-depth interpretative/narrative 
research that takes account of the social-cultural contexts of older yoga participants, and 
which also considers the ways in which ?ageing bodies? are theorized, is imperative. Such 
research might highlight the ways in which older people resist contemporary discourses 
on ageing through physical activity; and, hence, would add considerably to our 
knowledge and praxis around ageing (Tulle, 2008). 
 Quantitative inquiry found partial support for the posited model. Intrinsic and 
extrinsic motivations appear to regulate positive emotional benefits older women derive 
from yoga. Additionally, the yoga instructor?s style of teaching is reflected in whether or 
not older women experience tranquility (or a sense of calmness, peacefulness and 
relaxation). Furthermore, it appears that self-perceived yoga competency plays a pivotal 
role in how much pleasure (an extrinsic motivation) older women experience from 
practising yoga. 
 In summary, this is a small-scale study and consequently further research is 
warranted. For example, investigations are needed that focus on older women who are 
?serious? (in terms of weekly frequency, length of practice time, and/or number of years of 
involvement) yoga participants. Related, longitudinal and time-span studies would 
uncover how transitions and period or cohort membership affects the meanings and 
benefits experienced or ascribed to yoga. Cross-cultural studies would also be of interest. 
What, for example, are the lived yoga experiences of older North American women? Of 
women living in less developed countries? Will future inquiries find support for the 
revised model presented to explain yoga-induced feeling states? Finally, an essentially 
unexplored topic is the spirituality that older women may affix to yoga. 
Acknowledgements 
We would like first to thank all the women who kindly took part in this study. Secondly, 
this chapter is a version of a paper given at the July 2009 LSA conference at Canterbury 
Christ Church University. Thanks to the CCCU/LSA editorial team for agreeing to its 
inclusion here. 
Notes 
1 The representation of the written text for mixed-method approach also has particular 
dilemmas. Quantitative and mixed-methodologists typically avoid use of the first 
person. Contrastingly, whilst working from within an interpretative paradigm, the 
researcher is not ?removed? from the text, and first person is used. 
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