Engagements with Nature: Ageing and Windsurfing 159
 ENGAGEMENTS WITH NATURE:
 AGEING AND WINDSURFING
 Barbara Humberstone
 Buckinghamshire New University
 159
 Introduction
 Research evidencing and advocating active leisure as a way towards
 healthy ageing is a positive strategy for individuals and society. However,
 without locating this research in the broader socio-cultural contexts of
 ageing and taking seriously the voices of a diversity of older people, we
 cannot fully understand what ageing actually means to different people,
 nor can we hope to create good practices for healthy ageing and flourish-
 ing communities. Discourses around ageing are largely out of touch with
 the experiences of many of the over-60s population. This chapter exam-
 ines the potential for exploring the perspectives of active older people, to
 understand how they remain healthy and independent as they age. It
 draws upon ethnography, auto-ethnography and creative non-fiction to
 generate insight.
 It is argued that not only are societies? and individuals? knowledge
 and understandings of being and becoming old significantly influenced
 by the power of discourses, contextual locations such as time and place
 also play a crucial part in this construction. The chapter thus explores
 the changing relationship of self, body, social and environmental contexts
 and the implication these have for meaning making, practices and
 expectations for later lives. Through a nexus of the ageing body, physical
 activity and nature through the medium of windsurfing, it attempts to
 ?trouble? stereotypes of ageing, drawing attention to the location and envi-
 ronment in which the activity of windsurfing occurs. The methodological
 approach is interpretative and draws together current socio-cultural
 understandings of the ageing body.
 Discourses on ageing
 I have argued elsewhere that older people are not a homogeneous group
 and nor are the leisure choices and activities of older people uniform. LSA
Barbara Humberstone160
 Publication No. 108, Third Age and Leisure Research [Humberstone (ed),
 2010a] incorporates some key developments in researching leisure and
 ageing and contextualizes the research discussed here. In addition to
 recognizing the heterogeneity of older people and acknowledging ?old? and
 ?older? as discursive constructions, Third Age and Leisure Research also
 questions the medicalisation of ageing at the centre of much analysis of
 growing old. It challenges positivistic claims about leisure and ageing,
 calling for critical assessments of related sociocultural factors. It locates
 the significance of the ?Baby Boomer? generation born around the end of
 World War II (1945?1962) in advanced industrial countries as they retire.
 Popular discourse on ageing is largely out of step with the experiences of
 many of the over-60s population, many of whom have wealth, whilst a
 significant contrasting negative position faces those without such eco-
 nomic means. Furthermore, government is particularly exercised with the
 economic ?costs? to society of the increasing older population in terms of
 pensions and health and care services.
 A ?third age? or ?early old age?, taken as the period of life beginning
 around retirement (from full time employment) when many older people
 are relatively healthy and active is associated with the baby boomers. This
 suggests having time for leisure and the pursuit of personal satisfaction
 which could potentially last for a further 30 years. Windsurfing is a
 lifestyle physical activity which has much in common with lifestyle sports
 that emerged in the 60/70s despite only emerging in UK in late 70s.
 Dionigi?s (2002, 2006, 2008, 2010) research focuses on meanings
 attributed by older Australian athletes aged 55?94 years and challenges
 medical and popular discourses around the ageing body, mind and sport.
 She engages an interpretative approach to identity construction and
 draws attention to the nexus between social-cultural contexts and older
 athletes? meanings. She argues that older athletes are not ignoring the
 onset of later life but rather are managing their identities through the
 pursuit of their sport. The actions and perceptions of these older athletes
 intersect with broader social discourses of sport, leisure and ageing,
 challenging what it means to become ?old?. This is also echoed in Harper?s
 (1997) postmodern interpretations of ?subjectivities? of older persons.
 Spatial and locational contexts frame Sparkes? research (2010) that draws
 attention to the ways in which age and embodiment are inexorably
 interlinked and accomplished.
 What then is evoked for older people who choose to windsurf? For
 windsurfing takes place in a fluid changing natural environment where
 the body is in constantly interrelating with the elements of wind and water
 through the material of the windsurf board and sail (Dant and Wheaton,
 2007).
Engagements with Nature: Ageing and Windsurfing 161
 The activity of windsurfing
 Windsurfing is identified amongst some social analysts as an ?alternative?
 ?lifestyle? sport included alongside other lifestyle sports such as skate-
 boarding, snowboarding, surfing (Ormod and Wheaton, 2009; Wheaton,
 2004a, 2004b; Wheaton and Beal, 2003). Lifestyle sports, it is argued,
 are associated with the ?countercultural? social movements of the 1960s
 and early 1970s and windsurfing, which emerged in the later 1970s in
 UK, evolved in opposition to dominant sporting cultures, and in particular
 the institutionalisation of sport (Wheaton 2004b). Windsurfing grew out
 of the activities of sailing and surfing cultures. Windsurfing as cultural
 activity cuts across the traditional adventure/outdoor activity and
 ?lifestyle? sports, for it has many of the characteristics of traditional sailing
 activity but with something of the youth sub-cultural factors of ?lifestyle?
 sports, evident in such activities as surfing, skateboarding and
 snowboarding. Like most outdoor adventure activities and cultures
 windsurfing, it is argued, are male dominated (see Wheaton and
 Tomlinson, 1998; Wheaton, 2004a:113; Woodward, 2000). Yet as
 Wheaton?s (2004a) research uncovered, windsurfing encompasses a
 competing diversity of masculinities. The actual activity of windsurfing,
 much research suggests, is somewhat exclusive to able-bodied, largely
 white middle class young males who are fairly wealthy.
 Through ?lifestyle? activities, different youth sub-cultures find spaces
 for themselves to resist dominant mainstream cultures by creating their
 own alternative lifestyle (Gelder and Thornton 1997). Lifestyle sports par-
 ticipants are seen to resist mainstream sporting values by an emphasis
 on different rituals and behaviours such as participant control and oppo-
 sition through style (Beal, 1995).
 More recently McRobbie (2010) critiques sub-cultural theory in call-
 ing attention to the power of neo-capitalism to appropriate young people?s
 cultures. Whilst post-subcultural research suggests that subcultures
 rarely resist the dominant culture and moreover attachment to a parti-
 cular (youth) subculture is brief with members moving from one trend to
 another (see Weinzierl and Muggleton, 2003). Research also points to con-
 tradictions in lifestyle sport such that whilst on occasions they may
 provide resistant to and challenge of mainstream ?sport? ideologies, they
 may also incorporate into these values the contradiction of ?buying? into
 mainstream capitalism ideologies (Coates et al., 2010). More particularly
 participants of these sports may have a passionate attachment to their
 particular ?lifestyle? sport as opposed to countercultural values.
 Dant and Wheaton (2007) make a significant point that people who
 are passionate windsurfers not only need to be fairly wealthy to acquire
 the material capital, that is the board and kit but also need to possess
 significant ?embodied capital?. Windsurfing, they argue, ?requires a degree
 of strength and agility that does mean that age and gender affect those
Barbara Humberstone162
 who can and might wish to sail a board. Hence?, they assert, ?the embod-
 ied capital required is high and is affected by changes over the life-course?
 (p. 10). Yet currently the windsurfing community is made up of many folk
 from the Baby Boomer generation and earlier who are passionate about
 windsurfing, engaging in their sport either independently and/or as a
 member of a veteran?s club such as the Sea Vets. The SeaVets organisa-
 tion claims that it ?promotes responsible and sociable windsurfing for the
 ?not so young?. Membership is open to those over 35 years old?1; the aver-
 age age currently of Sea Vets? members is 60?plus, with one longstanding
 member in his late 90s (Thompson, 2009).
 Consequently, I hope to ?trouble? ageing, exploring through ethnogra-
 phy and auto-ethnography (auto/ethnography) older people and wind-
 surfing and assessing the significance of place based locations to their
 lifestyle activities.
 Exploring place-based being and becoming older
 Ethnography and auto-ethnography can provide for unique insights into
 the embodied experiences of the life-worlds of being and becoming older.
 These inter-related methodologies provide particular insight in under-
 standing when the body, grounded through its senses, makes sense of
 and interacts with its surroundings. Place, the natural environment, is
 all important in windsurfing. To ?know? what it is to windsurf, one argu-
 ably needs, with some senses, to experience it. To ?know? and understand
 what it is to age, one arguably needs to experience this process of being
 and becoming reflexively and/or to engage empathically with the life-
 worlds of older people. Auto/ethnography has been understood for many
 years as ?an autobiographical genre of writing and research that displays
 multiple layers of consciousness, connecting the personal to the cultural?
 (Ellis and Bochner 2000, p. 739). I would add it also uncovers connections
 between the body, the emotions and the senses as the (ageing) body
 engages with natural elements.
 Auto/ethnography has much in common with reflexive ethnography
 (Hammersley and Atkinson, 1995), the ethnographic approach that takes
 seriously not only the every day understandings of participants in a
 situated context, but also the experiences, ethical dilemmas and personal
 account of the researcher (see Humberstone, 2004; 2009). Marcus (1998,
 p. 401) points out the equivalence of autobiographic accounting with
 reflexivity in critical research, highlighting the deconstruction from within
 and the principle of contextuality and partiality of truth claims. Reflexive
 ethnographies build upon personal experiences; exploring situated exper-
 iences, reflexive ethnographers attempt to make sense of their feelings
 and selves. They may use their personal experiences and relation with
 other participants in the research context to understand the life-world
 and participants? experiences. In auto-ethnography, the self (auto) is
Engagements with Nature: Ageing and Windsurfing 163
 positioned at the centre of the research, rather than centring other parti-
 cipants. Examples of auto-ethnographies include narratives of illness told
 by someone who has experienced the illness (Ettorre, 2005a,b) or grieving
 (Ellis, 1995). Auto/ethnographers meanwhile, according to Reed-Danahay
 (1997), place different and varying emphases on its different elements;
 auto (the self), ethnos (the culture) and graphy (the research process). In
 this way, drawing upon the self?s story and feelings, connections between
 personal experience and particular life-worlds unfold. In auto/ethno-
 graphy, I would suggest, there is a combination of auto-ethnography with
 ethnography so that ?others? and relations with others move in and out
 of the centre of the research as the self moves fluidly from centre to
 periphery of the research.
 A shift from reflexive ethnographic work to naming and acknowledg-
 ing auto-ethnographic work in sport has been occurring over the last few
 decades (see Rinehart, 2005). The embodied experiences of the teller are
 often the focus of these tales. Such stories are not primarily about the
 body but are tales told through the bodies of the teller (Denison and Mark-
 ula, 2003; Sparkes, 2002). Making sense of stories at both a personal and
 contextual level, a reader can identify in different ways with the author.
 At one level, there may be resonance with the author and their bodily
 experience; at other levels the author?s situated experiences become more
 accessible. Such stories concerned with physical activity and embodiment
 include Duncan (2000), who writes of her life-story associated with
 physical activity through her bodily experiences, and Sparkes (1996), who
 tells the story of embodiedness and emotional experiences of serious
 injury suffered by a previously a top class athlete.
 Auto-ethnographic narrative is generally first-person writing. Some
 auto-ethnographers express their feelings and emotions through poetry
 (see Spry, 2001). Other types of narrative or stories may draw on fictional
 devises for making the telling the story more evocative or rich. Fictional
 representations as in ethnographic or creative fiction ?can affect readers
 at an immediate and emotional level? (Frank 2000: p. 483). In this
 chapter, I have chosen to represent a water-based place and a windsurf
 ?rescue? occurring there through a fictional techniques. The creative non-
 fiction tale of the ?rescue? hopes to elicit in the reader some idea of the
 sensuousness, dangers and emotions when wind surfing, highlighting an
 embodied engagement with nature.
 Exploring place-based being and becoming older:
 narratives of windsurfers
 I am a committed recreational windsurfer; I learnt to windsurf on a board
 with a removable wooden dagger board and a bamboo boom over 28 years
 ago. I have also been an ethnographer for most of that time and an ethno-
 graphic and more particularly an auto/ethnographic approach to explore
Barbara Humberstone164
 embodiment, location and nature seems ?natural?. The main place I wind-
 surf and where I conduct this research is relatively safe (although as the
 reader will see later there are hazards depending upon the wind and tide
 state) and a very accessible location at the mouth of Southampton water.
 Here there is access to the water on three sides of a kilometre long shingle
 and earth spit, on which a centre, which once housed sea planes during
 the 40s and 50s, and now is a thriving outdoor activities centre, stands.
 At most states of the tide, except a few hours around low water, there is
 a small lagoon (the pond) with usually flat water. The spit looks to the
 Solent waters and Isle of Wight on one side and a massive chimney and
 oil refinery on the other.
 I sail there regularly during the summer months and have spent
 much time there on and off the water over the last thirty years. For a con-
 ference on ?experiencing water? and to evoke a sense of place and the sen-
 suous engagement with nature of windsurfing for me, I wrote my own
 feelings of windsurfing (Humberstone, 2010b: p. 57):
 I feel the water rushing past my feet and legs.
 The wind in my hair.
 I sense the wind shifts in strength and direction and move my body
 in anticipation to the wind and the waves. I feel the power of the
 wind and the ability of my body to work with the wind and the
 waves. The delight and sensation when surfing down a small wave
 with the sail beautifully balanced by the wind.
 Seeing the sea birds and the fish jump delight further.
 The smell of salt and mud.
 The small seal that made its home on the tiny pebble spit.
 These are some of the beauties of windsurfing in this liminal space
 even with a monstrous power station chimney hovering in the
 distance and the occasional smell of sulphur from the large oil
 refinery when the wind blows from the north east.
 Recently, in the summer of 2010, a seal, possibly the original I refer to
 above, grown much larger, returned but didn?t stay. It played around the
 ?pond? looking for fish whilst we, an intergenerational group of mainly
 male windsurfers, ages ranging somewhere between 7 and 68 years sailed
 backwards and forwards across the entrance trying to spot the seal in
 order to both see it and avoid hitting it; a glorious sunny day, the reflected
 sunshine making the small waves shimmer and dance. With the wind
 coming from the North West, this was an unusual direction, enabling this
 sailing in this particular direction.
 On another day, I spoke with a regular windsurfer in her mid 60s,
 who told me about her recent experience on a low volume board she had
 just bought. Below I use creative non-fiction to tell her tale. In this way I
 hope to create a nexus of body, senses, elements (nature) and feelings.
Engagements with Nature: Ageing and Windsurfing 165
 Telling tales ? Being rescued: A creative non-fiction
 exploring older windsurfers? perspectives
 It was Sunday and a pleasant day with a steady South Westerly blowing.
 Kitty, a member of the Sea Vets, had just bought a new smaller volume
 board and was determined to try it out. She was used to sailing with a
 larger, more ?floaty? one having security of more buoyancy when needed
 should the wind drop off suddenly. The tide was flowing in and up South-
 ampton water. The ?pond? was mud filled and still too shallow to venture
 into. Out front, however, the water was rising and there was easily enough
 water to sail. Kite surfers whizzed forwards and back, outwards and
 inwards from the sandy shore looking like multicoloured butterflies un-
 decided on where to land. Other windsurfers were out on the water enjoy-
 ing the steady breeze. Kitty put on her wetsuit, helmet and harness looking
 forward to sailing this new board for the first time. She set out eagerly to
 join the kite surfers and windsurfers flying to and fro. After some 20
 minutes of enjoyable sailing and at her furthest point from the beach the
 wind died. Kitty turned the board to head to shore, knowing that she
 needed to get back before the wind became too light, as she did so Kitty?s
 sail fell from her hands into the sea. ?No problem?, she thought, ?I?ll water
 start?. After a number of attempts she realised this wasn?t going to work.
 There was now insufficient wind to fill the sail to lift her back onto the
 board. ?I?ll have to up haul? she said to her self as she tried to climb onto
 the board. Easy with her old board, it would float when she was standing
 on it to pull up the sail. But this wasn?t her old board, this was her new,
 superlite smaller board and it didn?t behave in the same way. Checking
 points on the shore she realised the tide was taking her closer and closer
 to the shipping channel and further away from the beach. Being Sunday,
 the channel was particularly busy with weekend motor boaters racing up
 and down, the fast Isle of White ferry passing every half hour and num-
 erous Sunday sailors out on their yachts for the day. A tiny insignificant
 person with a small board and rig at sea level was not easy to spot from
 these vessels. ?Oh dear? she thought anxiously. Feeling rather foolish, she
 tried to draw the attention of the people on the beach by waving with one
 arm. She could not use the conventional signal ?I need rescuing? where both
 arms cross continuously above the head. She knew that she must not let
 go of her board and rig. If she did she would become separated from them
 and be in much greater danger.
 Almost into the shipping channel she saw a large ?gin palace? motor
 boat approaching and she hoped the skipper would take action to avoid
 running her down. Thankfully he saw her and came alongside. ?Are you
 OK? a woman on deck said, ?We can take you aboard?. ?Thanks, can you
 drop me off on the spit over there?? Kitty asked. ?No?, came the reply, ?but
 we can take you up to Southampton?. Kitty declined this kind offer, not
Barbara Humberstone166
 wanting to end up miles away from where she had set off. The skipper of
 the motor boat, realising that the windsurfer needed to be kept out of the
 shipping channel, radioed for assistance and stayed along side her until
 after a few minutes a large motorised rib came roaring in from out in the
 Solent. It came along side her and two burley men lifted the board and rig
 into the rib while Kitty held onto the rope running around bulbous rubbery
 sides of the vessel. ?How am I going to get onto this? Kitty mused to herself
 knowing her arms couldn?t pull her body up and over the side of the rib.
 She need not have worried as the two men leaned over, one on each side
 of her, lifting her effortlessly into their boat.
 Later, wrapped in blankets and drinking copious cups of tea, Kitty felt
 a lot warmer and more comfortable. The rib had delivered her in a few
 minutes to the rescue station on the spit. Her personal details were collected
 for the record. ?Why hadn?t she flares with her?, one of the shore ?based
 RNLI men asked. She thought to her self, ?they really don?t understand
 windsurfing? and replied, ?I don?t have gloves to hold a flare with and I can?t
 let go of the rig to detonate it. My safety is in the board?. She is delivered
 to her non-windsurfing friend on the beach in an RNLI van. Looking up from
 his book her companion says ?Didn?t see you come ashore. Did you have a
 good sail??2
 Troubling ageing? Some concluding comments
 Why write a creative non-fiction story of a windsurfing event through the
 eyes of an older woman windsurfer? Why write creative non-fiction in
 research at all? Clough (in Goodley et al., 2004) ponders, ?If we are
 arguing for the use of narrative in research reports there has to be a
 critical questioning of the purpose of such accounts. We must ask: Who
 are these stories for? What effects do the stories have on whom?? (p. 184).
 In response, my reasons for telling this non-fiction story is an attempt
 to represent the sensations, experiences and bodily engagements with
 nature and to render these senses and feelings accessible to the reader
 so that the reader may in some ways feel and sense something of what it
 is for this older woman to engage with nature in an embodied way. Taking
 a conventional approach, I propose, would render findings simplistic and
 void of the complex connections of body with nature. I hope, by the telling
 of these stories, to have created the sense of this place and the com-
 plexities of relationships with sea, senses and people. What then to make
 of the rescue tale? It is for the reader to make their interpretations of this
 story. Maybe it challenges, for the reader, ideas of what is possible for an
 older woman and what she might find enjoyable. Maybe it troubles
 dominant discourses on ageing. Certainly, it disrupts Dant and Wheaton?s
 (2007: p.10) assertion that ?age and gender affect those who can and
 might wish to sail a board?. However, some readers might consider that
Engagements with Nature: Ageing and Windsurfing 167
 it reinforces such an assertion given the need for a rescue. Knowing the
 scene as I do, it is not uncommon for surfers (wind or kite) of all ages to
 be brought back to the beach by various craft when the wind drops unex-
 pectedly. Finally, what relevance is this form of research to healthy ageing
 policy and practice?
 Ageing is a complex and dynamic psychological, socio-cultural,
 biological process that, I suggest, can be expressed in a diversity of ways
 in different contexts. Dominant discourses on ageing are largely out of
 step with many older people?s experiences. Interpretive, narrative research
 is important in the ways in which older adults interpret their lives and
 the society in which they live. Exploring windsurfers? engagements with
 nature; the ageing body, embodiment, senses and elements may provide
 new and challenging understandings of being and becoming old.
 Notes
 1. Sea vets website: www.seavets.co.uk
 2. This story is also informed by my own similar experience the previous
 year when on the wind dropping and on a small board I too began to drift
 towards the shipping channel. However, I was brought to the beach by a
 small craft from a short distance off shore.
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