An I r ish  Travel ler  Movement  in  Br i ta in  Repor t
 Pr incipal  Authors :  Andrew R yder  & Margaret  Greenf ie lds
 Economic and Social incluSion for GypSiES and TravEllErS
 roadS To SuccESS

An I r ish  Travel ler  Movement  in  Br i ta in  Repor t
 Pr incipal  Authors :  Andrew R yder  & Margaret  Greenf ie lds
 This  repor t  was  made poss ible  by the generous f inancia l  suppor t  of  the Big  Lotter y  Fund
 Economic and Social incluSion for GypSiES and TravEllErS
 roadS To SuccESS
Forward
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 As a community development, policy and voice 
charity, one of our core objectives is to relieve 
the poverty and promote the welfare and 
inclusion of the Traveller communities. We do 
this by acting as a bridge builder bringing the 
Traveller communities, service providers and 
policy makers together, thereby stimulating 
debate and promoting forward-looking 
strategies to promote increased race equality, 
civic engagement, inclusion, service provision 
and community cohesion.
 The increasingly documented marginalisation 
and chronic exclusion experienced by the Gypsy 
and Traveller communities of Britain continues 
to be of grave concern to all involved with Irish 
Traveller Movement in Britain (ITMB). In our day 
to day work we increasingly witness, but also 
hear about from our colleagues on the front 
line, the poor health, evictions, homelessness, 
isolation, unemployment, and lack of access to 
service provision with no real and sustainable 
signs of improvement.
 We are delighted to be able to bring you this 
very timely report ITMBs ?Roads to Success 
?Routes to Economic and Social Inclusion for 
Gypsies and Travellers. The report is extremely 
timely in light of the many sweeping policy 
changes being implemented by the new 
coalition Government which are having an 
adverse impact on the Gypsy and Traveller 
communities. Gypsy and Travellers living 
in Britain today face an uncertain future. 
Considering that the Traveller communities 
have some of the poorest social outcomes 
of any group in Britain, it follows that the 
impending cuts to public services will have 
a disproportionate eect on the community, 
and the voluntary and community sector that 
work with them. To be inclusive and improve 
Gypsy and Travellers poor social outcomes 
such as low educational attainment, poor 
up take of apprenticeships and high levels 
of unemployment it is essential that there is 
real commitment from the Government, and 
public bodies in supporting and addressing the 
situation.
 The report has explored and highlighted the 
diculties and barriers experienced by the 
communities to achieving economic inclusion, 
however it also shares and highlights the 
success factors and values identied by the 
communities in attaining economic inclusion. 
Some of ITMB?s work portfolios are already 
aligned with many of the recommendations 
of the report. However we will certainly 
be adjusting other areas to ensure we are 
delivering specically targeted support. 
Through this report ITMB along with the 
communities have been able to highlight some 
very important issues. As we develop, rene 
and implement our strategic plans we hope 
that central and local government, public and 
statutory sector bodies will take this report on 
board and work in partnership with the Traveller 
and Gypsy communities of Britain to ensure a 
road to success for all.
 Finally I would like to express an enormous 
gratitude to all who have given so generously of 
their time in compiling this valuable report:
 Yvonne MacNamara, Director, Irish Traveller 
Movement in Britain
Forward
 The authors wish to acknowledge the Expert Advice 
and Research Support provided by the following 
individuals and thank them for their generous input 
into the Traveller Economic Inclusion Project (TEIP): 
Susan Alexander, Matthew Brindley (Field research 
NVIVO analysis and proof reading), Sabrina Fahy, 
Mairead Moore and Radmila Vujnovic (proof reading 
and graphics) Julie Joyce, Pat Niner, Rez Henrietta 
(transcription services), David Scott and David 
Smith.
 Members of the Traveller Economic Inclusion Project 
Steering Group:
 Father Joe Browne, John Day, Brian Foster, Bridget 
McCarthy, Yvonne MacNamara, Breda Mahoney, 
Sean Risdale and Chris Whitwell.
 This report is dedicated to the memory of the 
following Gypsy and Traveller activists, community 
role models and civil rights champions who have 
passed away in recent years but who continue to 
inspire future generations of Gypsies and Travellers 
in their struggle for economic, social and political 
equality: Sylvie Dunn, Tommy Docherty, Patrick 
Delaney, Eli Frankham, Tommy Lee, John Mercer, 
Contents
 Executive Summary           i
 Introduction             1
 Part One ? Policy and Research Approaches      3
 Chapter One ? Gypsies, Travellers, and Economic Inclusion      4
 Gypsies and Travellers and Social Exclusion        5
 Causes of Gypsy and Traveller Exclusion        5
 Economic and Bureaucratic Restrictions on Gypsy and Traveller Employment Opportunities 6
 Policy Responses to Gypsy and Traveller Economic Exclusion in Europe    7
 Policy Responses in the UK          8
 Policy Engagement and Empowerment - Opportunities for Change    9
 Targeted Action and ?Personalised Services?        10
 Positive Action           11
 The Traveller Economic Inclusion Project - Adaptation and Access to Capitals   12
 Typologies of Traveller Life Strategies and Economic Organisation    15
 The Traveller Economy          15
 Boundary maintenance within the Traveller Economy      16
 Gender and Age Dimensions of Mainstream Economic Activity     18
 Framing the Research Question         18
 Conclusion            18
 Chapter Two ? Inclusive and Intercultural Action Research: The TEIP Approach   21
 Introduction            21
 The Background to the TEIP          21
 The Intercultural Context of Economic Policy Research      22
 Participatory Action Research         23
 Rationale for the selected methodology        24
 Conclusion            25
 Chapter Three - Research Methods          27
 Introduction            27
 Research Methods (Qualitative Approaches)       27
 Rationale for Use of ?Semi-Structured Questionnaires?      28
 Data Recording           28
 Ethical Issues            29
 Purposive Sampling           29
 Geographical Location          29
 Types of Employment and Economic Inclusion       31
 Gender            32
 Age             33
 Sample Frame by Ethnicity (Proportionality Issues)       34
 Recruitment for Interview Sta and Data Collection      35
 Accessing the Sample and making contact with community members    35
 Subject Inclusion Criteria          36
 Analysis            36
 Methodological Considerations: Coding Complexities      36
 The Equalities Measurement Framework (EMF)       38
 Methodological Reections and Learning Points Part Two ? Findings related to Work  38
Contents
 Part Two ? Findings Related to Work       40
 Chapter Four ? The ?Traveller Economy? Traditional Work Practices and Adaptation   43
 Introduction            43
 The Traveller Economy in Present Times        44
 Barriers to Working in Traditional Ways        47
 Changing Gender Roles within the Traveller Economy      54
 Innovation within the Traveller Economy        55
 Chapter Five - Waged Employment and Access to Welfare      60
 Introduction            60
 Waged Employment           61
 Gypsy and Traveller Professionals (excluding information on Roma/New Travellers)  61
 Social Mobility and Employment         63
 Challenges to Social Mobility         64
 Routes into Employment          65
 Gypsies, Travellers and Service in the Armed Forces      67
 Lower Skilled Waged Employment         67
 Access to Benets and The Informal Economy       69
 Reection and Conclusion          74
 Chapter Six ? Working for the Community         76
 Introduction            76
 Routes into Gypsy and Traveller ?community? employment      76
 Conclusion            80
 Chapter Seven - Roma and New Travellers        83
 Introduction            83
 Roma Economic Inclusion          83
 Background Research into Roma in Britain        84
 Roma Exclusion in the UK          85
 Good Practice in Economic and Social Support for Roma      87
 The Future of Roma Engagement         89
 New Travellers - Background          89
 Conclusion            93
 Part Three ? Findings related to Accommodation, Education/Training and Social 
Capital             95
 Chapter Eight ? Accommodation         98
 Introduction
 Gypsy/Traveller Interviewees? Accommodation Histories (Generational Change)   98
 Current Accommodation          98
 Negative Experiences of Accommodation        98
 Negatives Aspects of Traditional Nomadic Lifestyles      98
 Problems associated with Unauthorised Developments      102
 Negative aspects of Housing          103
 Negative aspects of living on Local Authority Sites       104
 Economic Barriers for Public Site Residents        104
 Personal Finance Issues          106
 Aspirations to own Sites          108
Contents
 Aspirations to Own Land and the Impact on Employment and Family Patterns   109
 The Accommodation Industry         110
 Conclusion            112
 Chapter Nine ? Education and Training         114
 Introduction            114
 The Educational Status of Interviewees parents       114
 Interviewees Educational Participation/Achievement      115
 Responses to Racism           118
 Positive Experiences in School         119
 Impact on Work           119
 Curriculum Reform           120
 Educational Support Strategies         121
 Returning to Education          123
 Experiences of Further Education         124
 Higher Education           125
 E-Inclusion            128
 Predicting the future: Changing         130
 Conclusion            130
 Chapter Ten ? Social Capital and Community Relations       133
 Social Capital and Gypsies and Travellers        133
 Family Relationships           134
 ?Bonding? and ?Bridging? Networks: determining factors      135
 Experiences of Racism          138
 Experiences of Racism in Community Settings       139
 Racism in Work           141
 Respondents reactions to racism         142
 Supporting the Community through Volunteering       143
 Revealing Ethnicity           143
 Concluding Reection          146
 Part Four ? Good Practice and Recommendations     147
 Chapter Eleven ? Good Practice          149
 Statutory Sector Group          149
 National Level Community Project         152
 Friends, Families and Travellers         152
 Local Community Groups          155
 Funding Issues for Third Sector/Community Groups      158
 Positive action and the Development of Employment Opportunities    160
 A model Community Group          162
 Conclusions: Opportunity and Constraint: Personalisation and the Big Society   163
 Chapter Twelve ? Policy and Practice: Recommendations and Conclusions    165
 Equalities issues           167
 Data Monitoring for Equalities Purposes        168
 The Socio Economic duties within the Act        168
 Resourcing Equality Actions ? the need for political commitment     169
 Accommodation           169
 Education            171
 Welfare and Employment          173
Contents
 A national plan for Gypsies Roma and Travellers       174
 Personalisation           175
 The Big Society           176
 Targeting Exclusion           177
 Positive Action           177
 Empowerment within the Traveller Economy and Third Sector     177
 Volunteerism            178
 Political Inclusion           179
 The Future            180
 A Summary of Recommendations from the Traveller Economic Inclusion Project   181
 Tables
 Table 1: Gypsy and Traveller Adaptation and Responses to Changing Society   13
 Table 2: Numbers of People Interviewed: The Research Sample     27
 Table 3: Geographical Location of Interviewees       30
 Table 4: Types of Employment Undertaken by Interviewees     31
 Table 5: Gender Balance of Interviewees        32
 Table 6: Age/Number of Interviewees        33
 Table 7: Gypsy and Traveller sample by Ethnicity       34
 Table 8: Employment Status of participants in the TEIP study     41
 Table 9: ?Traditional Traveller Economy? occupations followed by interviewees   45
 Table 10: The range of ?paid? employment undertaken by TEIP Interviewees   60
 Table 11 : Occupations by gender         61
 Table 12: Gypsies and Travellers in ?professional and higher grade? employment   62
 Table 13: ?Other? employment paths         67
 Table 14: Take-up of Unemployment Benets amongst the TEIP sample    71
 Table 15: Roma Interviewees in the TEIP        83
 Table 16: New Traveller Interviewees ? accommodation, employment and educational   90
 status
 Table 17: Accommodation Status (Gypsy and Irish Traveller Interviewees)   99
 Table 18: Negative Aspects of Current Accommodation      101
 Table 19: Gypsies and Irish Travellers and Access to Mortgages     106
 Table 20: Gypsies and Irish Travellers respondents: Parents Educational Level   115
 Table 21: Access to Education by duration and regularity of attendance by Gypsy and Irish  116
 Traveller Respondents
 Table 22: Gypsies and Irish Travellers Interviewees Highest Academic Qualication  116
 Table 23: Gypsies and Irish Travellers Respondents Experiences of School Based    117
 Bullying Discrimination
 Table 24: Gypsies and Irish Travellers Participations post-school Education and Training  123
 Table 25: Vocational Skills and Qualications Undertaken by G/IT Participants   124
 Table 26: Gypsies and Irish Travellers with Access to the Internet     128
 Table 27: Purposes of Internet Usage: Gypsies and Irish Travellers     129
 Table 28: Gypsy and Irish Travellers Friendship Patterns      134
 Table 29: Gypsy and Irish Traveller Interviewees Experiences of Racism and Discrimination 138
 Table 30: Gypsies and Irish Travellers Self-Ascription at Work     144
 Appendices
 Appendix A: A Note of Caution in relation to Administrative Data Sources   
Appendix B: A summary of GTANA data relating to employment and economic inclusion 
Appendix C: The Survey Questionnaire        
Appendix D: Informed Consent and Project Information provided to Participants  
Exectutive Summary i
 Executive Summary
 Introduction
 ? Whilst there is much literature on the Gypsy and Traveller communities in relation to 
accommodation and wider ranging social exclusion issues, there is a signicant dearth of 
knowledge on the socio-economic experiences and circumstances of these groups. This paucity of 
information has been highlighted in a recent review by the Equality and Human Rights Commission 
(Cemlyn, et. al., 2009) which found evidence to suggest that Gypsies and Travellers face high levels 
of economic exclusion particularly in the areas of employment and access to nancial services.  
 
? The Roads to Success report, funded by Big Lottery Research sheds a clearer light on this one facet 
of inequality facing many Gypsy and Traveller families. This spotlight on employment and nancial 
issues concentrates in part on exploring the links between access to work and other variables 
such as accommodation, education and engagement with the wider ?mainstream? community. 
The report highlights that while many Gypsies and Travellers face serious obstacles on the road 
to achieving social and economic inclusion, the communities also form an integral part of local 
economies and communities throughout Britain. 
 
? The report which emerged from the Traveller Economic Inclusion Project (TEIP) has four distinct 
methodological features:
 - Based on a Participatory Action Research model involving Gypsy and Traveller community 
members in collecting, collating and analysing the data and ndings.   
- Qualitative research approach (specically semi-structured interviews) allowing TEIP to capture 
?rich? detailed information which was then contextualised and analysed to look for patterns and 
core themes.
 - Purposive Sampling ensuring TEIP interviewees came from a cross section of ages (between 18 
and 87), geographical location (9 English Regions) and genders. 
- Ethnic Sampling meant that out of a total of 95 interviews, TEIP focused primarily on English 
Romany Gypsies and Irish Travellers (G/IT) (86 interviews) whilst separately looking at the 
experiences of a small sample of Roma and New Travellers (9 interviews). 
? The Roads to Success report posits three main questions:
 - How have some Gypsies and Travellers achieved economic and social inclusion?
 - What are the denitions of success and economic and social inclusion amongst Gypsies and 
Travellers?
 - What have been the eects of local and national initiatives on economic inclusion for Gypsies and 
Travellers? 
The Traveller Economy 
? In this report the ?Traveller Economy? refers to those Gypsies and Travellers who have earned a 
living in traditional Traveller work practices which are distinguished by some or all of the following 
characteristics: self-employment often within close family and kin networks, in-family training, non 
separation of work/home place, sharing of labour and tools, entrepreneurialism etc. Such work 
as trading at markets, landscape gardening, dealing in scrap metal and cultural trades/arts are all 
considered by TEIP as traditional Traveller economic practices.  
Exectutive Summary ii
 ? TEIP found that 40 per cent of the G/IT interviewees worked in the ?Traveller economy?. This 
compared to approximately 80 per cent of G/IT interviewees? parents who had worked or who 
were still working in the Traveller economy. This represents a dramatic 50 per cent decline in G/
 IT working in the Traveller Economy over just one generation. A similar trend over a succeeding 
generation would see the Traveller Economy almost extinct. 
? Amongst G/IT interviewees engaged in the Traveller economy, one quarter received no or virtually 
no formal education whilst nearly two thirds had received some education (mainly at primary 
school level). The overwhelming majority of TEIP respondents had no formal qualications despite 
frequently being highly skilled. Only six interviewees working within the Traveller Economy had 
gained any vocational qualications (e.g. City and Guilds certicates in practical skills) and none 
had academic qualications.
 ? TEIP found that G/IT women are far more likely than G/IT men to move away from the Traveller 
Economy into waged labour. Only a quarter of all female interviewees below the age of 30 were 
engaged in the Traveller Economy. 
? A third of interviewees engaged in the Traveller Economy reported significant concerns about 
?cold calling? restrictions and the impact on their livelihoods. Such restrictions were compounded 
by complex regulations and the low literacy levels of many community members working in the 
Traveller Economy.  
? Only 10 per cent of the self-employed G/IT sample (the majority of whom worked in the Traveller 
Economy) had received business advice. This gure compares starkly with 50 per cent of ethnic 
minority business people and the majority of mainstream businesses who had accessed such 
information. The majority of G/IT interviewees engaged in the Traveller Economy were unaware of 
the business support to which they were entitled.  
? Seventy six per cent of the G/IT interviewees working in the Traveller Economy lived on sites 
(the majority of which were privately owned family sites), 21 per cent lived in bricks and mortar 
accommodation and only one interviewee lived a predominantly nomadic lifestyle. These ndings 
indicate that sites, with attached work areas linked to the home base and close kin networks 
facilitate the Traveller Economy. 
? TEIP found that the severe shortage of Gypsy and Traveller sites had a negative impact on the 
Traveller Economy. This nding is more pertinent considering the January 2010 caravan count 
revealed that approximately 20 percent of Britain?s G/IT population living in caravans are ocially 
categorised as homeless.
 ? The marital status of interviewees may have an impact on work patterns. Approximately 50 per 
cent of TEIP?s overall G/IT female sample were unmarried/divorced. Single G/IT women were more 
likely to be employed outside the Traveller economy in waged (often low skilled) work.  
? Thirty three per cent of TEIP interviewees working in the Traveller Economy had successfully 
adapted traditional models of the Traveller Economy and fused them with mainstream economic 
practices. TEIP identied an emerging trend amongst those interviewees who embraced such 
innovation of being keen to formally register their businesses and become certied practitioners 
(e.g. as tree surgeons). 
? Gypsy and Traveller arts and culture represented a growth industry within the Traveller Economy. 
A small but important proportion of interviewees engaged in the Traveller Economy worked as self-
 employed artists drawing upon their heritage within their work.
Exectutive Summary iii
 Waged Employment and Welfare
 ? Approximately 60 per cent of the G/IT interviewees were in waged employment with two thirds of 
the waged sample being women.
 ? Nineteen per cent of G/IT interviewees were employed in professional roles with approximately 
60 per cent of these professionals being female. This small but signicant trend towards increasing 
professionalism is indicative of ndings reported throughout TEIP which indicate that the children 
of interviewees (in all employment elds) were likely to have achieved higher educational 
qualications or greater participation in formal education than their parents. The continuation of 
this trend will no doubt see an increasing trajectory of entry by G/IT?s into professional occupations. 
? Volunteering was found to be an important first step to employment for many Gypsies and 
Travellers. Approximately one third of the overall TEIP sample (mainly employed in the community 
sector) reported that they had found volunteering and activism invaluable preparation for their 
work.  
? TEIP found there was a strong tradition of service in the armed forces by Gypsies and Travellers 
leading to new career opportunities and skills development. Eleven per cent of interviewees had 
personal experience of, or close family connections to, the armed forces. 
? Approximately 13 per cent of the TEIP sample worked in low skilled and low waged occupations 
with G/IT women making up over 90 per cent of this group. Half of the interviewees in this category 
were socially housed and the other half were resident on sites which were predominantly owned 
by local authorities. 
 ? TEIP found low levels of engagement with the informal economy with only a small minority of 
participants reporting that they had resorted to informal work when times were extremely dicult. 
? TEIP found resistance to welfare benefit take-up amongst the G/IT sample. Of the two thirds of 
interviewees who responded to the question on take-up of unemployment benets half indicated 
they had never claimed, just under a third said they had claimed for a short period (generally a few 
months and less than a year) and a fth had accessed benets for an unspecied period.
 Working for the Community
 ? Despite an increase in recent years in the numbers of Gypsy and Traveller community 
organisations there are still very few when compared with other BME ?third sector? agencies.
 ? Over a quarter of the TEIP sample worked in community roles representing a growing trend 
towards this type of employment and a growing political awareness of Gypsy and Traveller issues 
amongst community members.  
? Approximately three quarters of the Gypsy and Traveller employees interviewed in community 
posts were female, mirroring national trends which demonstrate that women are employed in 
community work in far greater numbers than men.
 ? Half of the waged community workers had returned to education after a gap in educational 
participation with the explicit intention of improving their literacy skills or gaining further 
qualications. Interviewees were also motivated to work in the Third Sector through a desire to 
help and support their communities, and in many cases believed that being a community member 
was an asset when working with other Gypsies and Travellers.
 ? Many of the community workers interviewed by TEIP had been employed under ?positive action? 
principles where uncertied skills are taken into consideration and a good knowledge of the 
Exectutive Summary iv
 community is dened as an essential factor within the short-listing and selection process.
  
Roma and New Travellers
 ? Many Roma communities in the UK are officially restricted from working (namely A2 migrants) 
and/or nd it hard to secure employment due to a lack of qualications and low literacy skills. TEIP 
Roma interviewees report that as a result many are often forced to work in low skilled and poorly 
(often unregulated) waged employment in the formal and informal economies.  
? TEIP Roma interviewees highlighted that many young Roma who have spent their formative years 
in Britain nd that acculturation can bring them into conict with the traditions and values of older 
community members and result in limiting their opportunities for achieving full economic and 
social inclusion.  
? TEIP found that a higher percentage of New Traveller interviewees were resident at insecure 
accommodation compared to the wider G/IT sample. Their accommodation status led to increased 
risk of disruption to employment if they were evicted or required to move on. New Travellers level 
of educational attainment was found to be signicantly higher than that of other interviewees 
across all communities. 
? New Traveller interviewees cited police harassment and local prejudice as a barrier to greater 
economic inclusion. 
Accommodation
 ? The shortage of Gypsy and Traveller site provision is a major driver of economic exclusion. A 2009 
Equality and Human Rights Commission report highlighted that ?the lack of secure accommodation 
for nomadic groups remains the lynchpin of a plethora of other inequalities.?
 ? TEIP identified a dramatic generational shift in Gypsies? and Irish Travellers? traditional 
accommodation types and lifestyles. Three quarters of G/IT interviewees described their parents as 
having led a fully nomadic existence for a signicant part of their lives. This compares with just over 
2 per cent of interviewees who led a fully nomadic existence.   These stark ndings indicate that 
nomadism has become less nancially viable as an economic strategy for the Gypsy and Traveller 
communities. 
? Over half of the G/IT sample lived in conventional housing. This compares with just below half 
the G/IT sample who lived on permanent or secure authorised sites. Of this sub-sample of ?sited? 
respondents, six per cent resided on unauthorised developments with precarious legal status.
 ? Forty one per cent of the G/IT sample owned their own homes (either sites or houses). This 
compares with 68 per cent of the wider population who are owner occupiers or who have a 
mortgage. This contrast maybe viewed as an indication of the degree of nancial exclusion 
experienced by Gypsies and Travellers.  
? Many interviewees stated that they had a good sense of community and were able to access 
emotional support from neighbours as well as utilising a strong network of social capital built up 
through connections to their place of residence.
 ? TEIP found that living on unauthorised encampments/developments can contribute to economic 
and social exclusion.
 ? TEIP found that G/IT interviewees and families living in houses were primarily engaged in waged 
employment.
Exectutive Summary v
 ? In the TEIP survey respondents with more successful businesses in the ?Traveller Economy? had 
predominantly adopted more sedentary lifestyles (even if they remained living on sites).
 ? Little evidence was found in the TEIP survey of support for on-site work areas ? nearby work areas 
would be welcomed.
 ? TEIP found evidence that G/IT interviewees living on Traveller sites faced ?address based? 
discrimination with a number of interviewees referring to potential employers being unwilling to 
oer them jobs due to their place of residence.
 ? TEIP found significant opposition amongst G/IT interviewees to taking out mortgages with one in 
four of the sample stating they did not want to obtain a mortgage. This compares with 34 per cent 
of interviewees who reported that they would like to be able to buy a home/obtain a mortgage if 
they could.
 ? The Preference amongst G/IT sample was for ?self-provided? private family sites with a quarter 
of interviewees expressing such a choice. Despite the anxiety and expense of complex planning 
applications, respondents agreed that once permission was granted, residence on a private site 
was a signicant key to greater nancial stability enabling access to increased rates of social 
and economic inclusion. TEIP interviewees cited discrimination, high land costs and planning 
restrictions as limiting the scope for wider development of private sites. 
? TEIP found that increasing site provision has the potential to create employment opportunities for 
Gypsies and Travellers. Seven per cent of the G/IT sample were employed in skilled positions in the 
Gypsy and Traveller accommodation ?industry?.  
Education and Training
 ? TEIP found a marked difference between interviewee?s educational participation and attainment 
compared to that of their parents. Approximately a third to half of all G/IT interviewees parents had 
received no formal education compared to just 10 per cent of interviewees themselves who stated 
they had receive no formal education. TEIP posits that increased sedentarism amongst the Gypsy 
and Traveller communities has led to greater participation and achievement in formal education.    
? G/IT interviewees had a varied experience of educational participation with over half the sample 
having attended formal education (both primary and secondary) on an irregular basis. Conversely 
20 per cent of the G/IT had received both primary and secondary education, attending their 
educational establishments on a regular basis.  
? In contrast to the low level of educational attainment of interviewee?s parents, 23 per cent of the 
G/IT interviewees had achieved formal academic qualication (GCSE?s/A Levels/Degrees). However, 
a large section of the G/IT sample (approximately 76 per cent) had no formal qualications, a gure 
which compares poorly with the 9 per cent of the ?mainstream? population without qualications. 
TEIP would also emphasis that the TEIP sample are those members of the G/IT community who 
experience greater social and economical inclusion, implying that illiteracy and lack of formal 
qualications may be higher amongst Gypsy and Traveller populations as a whole. 
? TEIP found that racist bullying acts as a barrier to participation in school with parents often 
removing children from schools when this occurs. Fifty ve per cent of G/IT interviewees 
experienced bullying and discrimination during their time in education. This gure compares with 
one third of Black and Asian students who experienced racial discrimination at school, college or 
university and just 1 per cent of white students.
 ? TEIP found that many Gypsy and Traveller customs and practices continue to discourage 
participation in school.
Exectutive Summary vi
 ? Several interviewees indicated that certain schools with more experience with Gypsies and 
Travellers were better able to provide secure and supportive learning environments.
 ? Amongst TEIP interviewees there was clear evidence of support for curricular reform so that the 
curriculum oered to Gypsies and Travellers would better reect the cultural aspirations of their 
communities. 
? TEIP found evidence that the low educational attainment of Gypsies and Travellers in school has 
the result of making it harder for them to develop and maintain their own businesses including 
those engaged in the Traveller Economy.
 ? Approximately one third of the interviewees in the G/IT sample had returned to further/vocational 
education to improve their literacy skills or gain vocational qualications. TEIP posits that this 
trend to return to education reects Gypsies? and Travellers? enthusiasm for learning and skills 
development under the appropriate conditions. 
? There is growing use of the internet ? both socially and for work purposes ? amongst Gypsies and 
Travellers with 60 per cent of the G/IT sample stating they had access to the internet.
 ? TEIP found growing support for mainstream formal education within the TEIP sample with the 
majority of interviewees (31) with children strongly supporting the idea of their children remaining 
in the education system and gaining some form of academic qualication.
 Social Capital and Community Relations
 ? TEIP found that amongst the G/IT sample 43 per cent of interviewees operated within 
predominantly ?bonded? (inter-community) social groups whilst a larger sub-set of 48 per cent 
operated within ?bridging? (intra-community) social groups characterised by wider and more 
diverse social networks.
 ? TEIP found that the strengthening of close kin and ethnic group ties amongst Gypsies and 
Travellers were in part responsive to a sense of fear and mistrust of the wider community who, it 
was felt, were often hostile to Gypsies and Travellers.
 ? A high level of the G/IT sample (78 per cent) reported that they had experienced racism in 
their adult lives. TEIP found that such racist experiences negatively impacted on interviewee?s 
educational, employment and training opportunities.
 ? The report found that nearly half (46 per cent) of G/IT sample were proud and confident in 
revealing their identity at work, while a minority (8 per cent) hid their identity in work-based 
situations.
 Concluding Comments and Key messages from the research:
 The Traveller Economy
 ? This report has highlighted the huge economical and social potential which can be harnessed 
by greater targeted support for Gypsy, Roma and Traveller (GRT) businesses. The Department for 
Works and Pensions (DWP), the Department for Business Innovation and Skills (BIS) and Business 
Links need to ensure they provide the appropriate outreach and guidance to develop GRT 
businesses.   
? Trading Standards should extend and promote its ?registered good practice tradespeople? 
schemes to Gypsy, Roma and Traveller tradespeople. Building upon emerging good practice (an 
Exectutive Summary vii
 existing DVD on ?cold calling?) local Trading Standards Oces should develop targeted information 
and awareness raising activities for Gypsies Roma and Travellers on restrictions on ?cold calling?. 
? The Roads to Success report has highlighted the need for the promotion and development of 
social enterprise and cooperative economic structures within the Traveller Economy. This can be 
achieved through the development of intercultural fora and dialogue between Gypsy and Traveller 
groups and other BME and social enterprise organisations.
 Access to Waged Labour
 ? Greater exchange of good practice examples and models e.g. ?positive action?, community 
recruitment, encouraging volunteering, employment of sessional sta and employee support 
amongst projects employing Gypsies, Roma and Travellers would enhance access to waged work.
 ? The DWP need to include GRT communities in the categories of ethnic minority groups and 
provide cultural awareness training for DWP frontline and managerial sta who are working with 
GRT customers.
 ? There is a need for targeted initiatives to raise awareness of, and access to, training opportunities 
amongst those GRT community members in low waged and low skilled employment. Hand in hand 
with the latter there needs to be initiatives to reduce the occurrence of informal work practices/
 unemployment and encourage ?regularisation? of work situations.
 Accommodation
 ? There is a need to provide new (and upgraded) site provision through a targeted approach to 
delivery of accommodation.
 ? There is an urgent need to promote new types of affordable and inclusive credit for home 
ownership amongst Gypsies and Travellers (e.g. through Community Land Trusts and other co-
 operative ventures).
 ? There is a need to raise awareness amongst Gypsies and Travellers of the economic and 
social inclusion opportunities of entering into site management/ownership and construction 
programmes. 
Education
 ? There is a need for greater flexibility in education provision including interactive and practical 
learning experiences within the school curriculum. There is also potential for targeting post 16 and 
further education and vocational training for Gypsies and Travellers. 
?TEIP recommends that a national (virtual) support network should be established for Gypsies 
and Travellers in higher education with the long term goal of establishing a wider network of 
community role models. 
? Traveller Education Services (TES) play an essential role in increasing Gypsies?, Roma and Travellers? 
educational participation and attainment. The erosion of TES?s is counterproductive to promoting 
educational inclusion for GRT communities. 
Social Capital, Community Relations and Good Practice
 ? Government departments should support public awareness campaigns drawing attention to 
the integral socio-economic roles played by Gypsies, Roma and Travellers in local communities 
throughout the country. The Government should also reinstate funding and support for Gypsies 
Exectutive Summary viii
 Roma Traveller History Month.   
? The Equality and Human Rights Commission and Trade Unions should ensure that Gypsies, Roma 
and Travellers employment rights and human rights are promoted and protected.
 ? There is a need to establish and support greater numbers of localised GRT community groups 
who can eectively raise the economic and social inclusion status of Gypsies, Roma and Travellers 
at the local level.  
Glossary of key terms
 Asset Based Community Development - It is an approach to community-based development, 
based on appreciating and mobilising individual and community talents, skills and assets. It is also 
community-driven development rather than development driven by external agencies
 Economic Inclusion - Economic inclusion is achieved when families have adequate economic 
resources and are able to access the full range of opportunities, services and life chances that 
society has to oer. This means decent employment opportunities, access to business support and 
training and development initiatives and ability to secure credit and other nancial services (ITMB, 
2007). Economic inclusion is a central theme of this report.
 Equalities Measurement Framework (EMF) - the set of ?measurements? and indicators derived by 
a research team at the London School of Economics on behalf of the Equalities and Human Rights 
Commission. The EMF uses a list of capabilities (for example ability to access a secure place to live, 
or achieve a good standard of living) and provides a series of elements which can be used to see if 
particular groups or individuals are able to access these achievable capabilities or are falling behind 
the standard of living/equalities which would be expected. The measurement framework creates a 
mechanism for monitoring trends in inequality, exploring the causes of inequality, and identifying 
possible policy interventions, as well as giving suggestions for, the types of information and 
analysis which are required to monitor equalities.
 Social Capital - is a way of describing people?s access to networks of support, shared trust, 
resources and values which help communities and individuals to achieve mutual benets.
 Social Enterprise - Businesses set up to tackle a social or environmental need. Rather than 
focusing on maximising shareholder value, their main aim is to generate prot which can then be 
used to further their social and environmental goals.
 Social Exclusion - The Cabinet Oce Social Exclusion Task Force provided a denition of social 
exclusion: ?Social exclusion is a short?hand term for what can happen when people or areas have 
a combination of problems, such as unemployment, discrimination, poor skills, low incomes, poor 
housing, high crime and family breakdown. These problems are linked and mutually reinforcing. 
Social exclusion is an extreme consequence of what happens when people do not get a fair deal 
throughout their lives and nd themselves in dicult situations.? (cited in Housemark, 2008, 2)
 Theoretical Social Exclusion Models (see further Levitas, 1998). When discussing why and how 
some individuals or communities experience social and economic exclusion, three main theoretical 
models are used. These are often described using the following abbreviations (MUD) The ?Moral 
Underclass Discourse? which blames poverty and social exclusion on people who are excluded (?it?s 
their own fault?); (SID) ?Social Integration Discourse? (people are excluded because they don?t have 
the right skills so they need training) (RED) ?Redistributive Egalitarian Discourse? this theory states 
that the way in which society is set up with uneven access to money, contacts and resources is 
responsible for social exclusion. People with varying political approaches are more likely to prefer 
a particular explanation for social exclusion so that broadly speaking the more ?left wing? a person 
is, the more likely they are to adopt the RED explanation which places responsibility for improving 
people?s social inclusion on the state. The more ?right wing? someone is, the more likely they are to 
prefer the MUD denition which means that the state doesn?t have to bear so much responsibility 
and people should look after themselves.
 Targeted Action - is the development of a policy or initiative tailored and designed for the specic 
needs of a particular group.
 Personalised Services - can involve providing service users with a more ?customer friendly? and 
personalised way of negotiating their access to and use of services. Personalisation allows service 
users to have more say in how resources are used, and helps them to become designers and 
producers of services as well as facilitating ?self-organising solutions? (Hiscock and Stirling, 2009).
Glossary of key terms
 Positive Action - Positive action consists of taking practical steps (e.g. developing specic job 
opportunities or access to additional nancial support for agencies working with particular groups) 
to support specic socially or economically disadvantaged communities with the purpose of 
helping them to achieve full and eective equality.
 Social Mobility - Change of social and economic status linked to changes in work/education 
and access to resources. ?Upward mobility? is linked to improvements in status, skills and pay and 
conversely ?downward mobility? is linked to decline in these factors and the narrowing of personal 
options and choice.
 TEIP (The Traveller Economic Inclusion Project). TEIP is the partnership research project which set 
out to explore how and why some Gypsies and Travellers are more ?socially included? than others 
? how did it happen, what resources (social capitals) and access to nances (economic capital) did 
they have, and how did they achieve their success. This report discusses the outcomes and ndings 
of the TEIP. 
Acronyms Used
 BSFH -   The British Social Housing   
         Foundation
 BM -   Black Manifesto
 CLTs -   Community Land Trusts
 CRE -   Commission for Racial Equality
 CLG -   (Department of ) Communities  
  and Local Government
 CRE -   Commission for Racial Equality
 DCSF -  Department for Children, Schools  
  and Families
 DES -   Department for Education and  
  Skills
 DWP -   Department for Work and   
  Pensions
 ECRI -   European Commission against  
  Racism and Intolerance
 ECHR -  European Convention on Human  
  Rights
 EHRC -  Equality and Human Rights   
     Commission
 FFT -   Friends Families and Travellers
 GRT -   Gypsies, Roma and Travellers
 GRTHM -  Gypsy Roma Traveller History  
  Month
 GTANA -  Gypsy Traveller Accommodation  
  Needs Assessments
 GTLRC -  Gypsy and Traveller Law Reform  
  Coalition
 HMRC -  Her Majesty?s Revenue and   
  Customs
 ITMB -   Irish Traveller Movement Britain
 NATT -  National Association of Teachers  
  of  Travellers
 NHS -   National Health Service
 ODPM -  Oce of the Deputy Prime   
  Minister
 Ofsted -  Oce for Standards in Education
 ONS -   Oce for National Statistics
 PLASC -  Pupil Level Annual School Census
 PCTs -   Primary Care Trusts
 ROTA -  Race on the Agenda
 RSS -   Regional Spatial Strategies
 SEU -   Social Exclusion Unit
 TES -   Traveller Education Services
Economic and Social incluSion for GypSiES and TravEllErS
 roadS To SuccESS
Introduction 1
 This report presents the ndings of research 
undertaken by The Irish Traveller Movement 
in Britain together with key partners and 
collaborators (including Buckinghamshire 
New University) which explores the 
strategies used by a sample of Gypsies and 
Travellers to secure economic inclusion. The 
Traveller Economic Inclusion Project (TEIP) 
was funded by the Big Lottery Fund, with 
the research being carried out between July 
2009 and October 2010.
 Introduction
 There are many references to Gypsies and 
Travellers in the media and popular folklore, 
unfortunately, most such narratives abound 
with negative stereotypes of the various 
communities of travelling people. Despite 
the wide-spread nature of discussion on 
Gypsy and Traveller populations, ?public 
knowledge? about such groups is often limited 
and awed (Morris, 2006; Richardson, 2007), 
focusing predominantly on accommodation 
issues and ignoring the other domains of 
exclusion experienced by members of these 
communities. In recent years a number of 
important reports e.g. the Institute for Public 
Policy Research?s ?Moving Forward? (Crawley, 
2003) the Commission for Racial Equality?s 
?Common Ground? (2006) and a literature 
review undertaken on behalf of the Equality 
and Human Rights Commission (Cemlyn, et. 
al., 2009) have done much to move discourse 
beyond the accommodation issue and highlight 
the range of extreme social exclusions from 
which these groups suer. However, economic 
issues have been touched upon only briey 
within most studies, with Cemlyn et. al. (2009) 
recommending strongly that further research 
was required to understand the employment 
and nancial situation of Gypsies and Travellers 
which, the authors of the 2009 study warned, 
was likely to become more precarious in the 
light of the worsening international scal 
circumstances.
 It is against this backdrop of relative paucity 
of knowledge of Traveller economic strategies, 
the deepening recession and Cemlyn et. al.?s 
(2009) call for further research that the Traveller 
Economic Inclusion Project (TEIP) has been 
undertaken.
 The resulting TEIP report sheds a clearer light 
on one facet of the inequalities facing many 
Gypsy and Traveller families, namely that 
economic exclusion and the numerous hurdles 
to be overcome for community members 
seeking to enhance their economic well-being. 
This spotlight on employment and nancial 
issues concentrates in part on exploring 
the links between access to work and other 
variables which for many communities are 
taken for granted - specically accommodation, 
education and engagement the wider 
?mainstream? community. Thus this study 
oers discussion on the interplay between 
social inclusion, culture and identity within the 
context of equalities and access to nancial 
stability.
 In addition to considering the economic 
circumstances faced by Gypsy and Traveller 
communities and exploring how some 
individuals have overcome signicant social and 
economic exclusion, this report also sets out 
to counteract the widespread negative myths 
which present members of these communities 
as people who will only work in certain jobs, 
who do not pay taxes, and who are unwilling to 
?mix? with other communities or people. As will 
be shown, the reality is vastly dierent from the 
mythology, with Gypsies and Travellers adapting 
and challenging stereotypes whilst seeking 
equality of opportunity with surrounding 
populations.
 This report is particularly timely as at the 
time of writing Europe is facing a signicant 
economic recession with many countries 
beset by nancial diculties and concomitant 
anti-migrant rhetoric which is playing out in a 
number of countries as ?anti-Gypsyism? (Sigona 
& Threhan, 2010) specically, racism against 
Roma, and other non-sedentary peoples and 
a retrenchment of employment opportunities 
which has particularly negative impacts on 
vulnerable members of these populations
 The report which has emerged from the 
Traveller Economic Inclusion Project (referred 
to hereafter as ?TEIP?) focuses predominantly 
on Gypsies and Travellers who have achieved a 
measure of economic and social inclusion, albeit 
that in some cases such economic ?success? is 
relatively modest with a number of interviewees 
still experiencing profound hardship in certain 
aspects of their life (e.g. access to secure 
accommodation; health inequalities, etc). 
?Success? within the context of Gypsy and 
Traveller discourse pertaining to economic, 
and social inclusion is a highly contextualized, 
Introduction 2
 variable and contested term; with the precise 
meaning of ?success? often being dependent 
upon cultural understandings and the outlook 
of the individual participant.
 Thus, as we show in more depth elsewhere in 
the report, an interviewee may within Gypsy 
and Traveller terms be regarded as successful 
and economically secure, as a result of working 
with family members or other Travellers in 
a small scale business or social enterprise 
operation, whilst simultaneously regarded 
in ?mainstream? society as less obviously 
economically included and lacking certain basic 
amenities or opportunities. Other interviewees 
however, have attained high levels of success 
across numerous domains (both intra-cultural 
?traditional Traveller practices/economies? and in 
?mainstream? terms), achieving professional and 
nancial recognition for their work and also the 
acclaim of members of their own communities
 who recognise the ?authenticity? of their 
nancial inclusion strategies and that they have 
not become acculturated by success ? a concern 
which has resonance throughout much of this 
report. Thus, the nature of ?success? within Gypsy 
and Traveller communities is variable and works 
on several layers ? with economic and cultural 
capitals (Bourdieu, (1992) successfulness 
interwoven and yet potentially discrete.
 This report however is less interested in 
rehearsing the narratives of exclusion so 
common to policy practitioners when exploring 
the experiences of Gypsies and Travellers and 
is primarily interested in ?positives? and ways in 
which community members are able to achieve 
and experience inclusion and success on their 
own terms. Accordingly, in contrast to a number 
of studies which focus on exclusion, the TEIP 
has sought to investigate the other side of the 
story, namely what is ?working?, how access to 
capitals (social, economic and cultural) occurs, 
and what adopted life strategies or access to 
external support from community groups, local 
institutions and the state have proved benecial 
in supporting the economic inclusion of Gypsy 
and Traveller interviewees.
 The vibrancy and strength of Gypsy and 
Traveller communities is demonstrated within 
this report which provides insights into how 
and why these populations have adapted and 
survived despite the wide-spread antagonism 
of wider society and the barriers to be overcome 
before success can be measured (Cemlyn et al, 
2010). The TEIP has sought to link the adopted 
life strategies of the interviewees to the wider 
national policy context, examining the degree 
to which ?successful? Gypsies and Travellers have 
beneted from state and community support , 
exploring the impact (and potential) of policy 
reform and changing circumstances (e.g the 
implementation of Equalities Legislation) 
on community achievement. In undertaking 
this study, the project team have adhered 
to best practice in community development 
and inclusive policy practice and present the 
report which follows as a tool for promoting a 
?change? agenda which follows the traditions 
of Participatory Action Research in both the 
methods used, and by seeking to use the 
outcomes to enhance the circumstances of 
research participant communities.
 Andrew Ryder and Margaret Greenelds
 When reading the report please note that the 
following convention is used in relation to use 
of quotations. After each quotation the speaker 
is identied by age range (in broad bands), 
gender (M or F) and ethnicity (G for Gypsy; IT 
for Irish Traveller; R for Roma or NT for New 
Traveller). We do this so that it is possible to 
consider how the experiences of interviewees 
might vary because of their age or whether they 
are a man or woman, or because of membership 
of a particularly community. Thus an English 
Gypsy woman aged 26 would be identied after 
her quotation by the code (G F 21-30)
Chapter One
  
Gypsies, Travellers and Economic Inclusion
Chapter One - Policy and Research Approaches 4
 Part One - Policy and Research 
Approaches
 Chapter One  - Gypsies, Travellers and 
Economic Inclusion
 This chapter provides a brief overview of a 
range of inequalities experienced by Gypsies 
and Travellers in the UK, with a specic focus on 
economic and social exclusion. This section of 
the report not only considers some causes of 
exclusion but also State policy responses and 
diering and evolving life strategies adopted 
by Gypsies and Travellers to mitigate the worst 
impacts of such exclusion. In the process of 
considering these topics we pose a series of 
?key questions? to which it is hoped this report 
provides some answers.
 Dening Gypsies, Roma and Travellers 
as a group is a problematic task. The two 
predominant communities in the UK are 
Romany (English) Gypsies and Irish Travellers. 
Other nomadic (or formerly nomadic) groups 
include European Roma, New Travellers, 
Welsh Gypsies, and Scottish Gypsy-Travellers. 
Although all of these groups currently (or in 
the past) followed a nomadic way of life and 
therefore have some similarities of life-style 
and perhaps behaviours, it is important to 
distinguish between the dierent communities. 
In this report we concentrate on English Gypsies 
and Irish Travellers as the two main groups in 
England where this research was undertaken.
 Linguistic evidence suggests that Romany 
Gypsies left India as a community over a 
thousand years ago, gradually traveling across 
the Middle East and arriving in Europe in 
the fourteenth century (Kenrick, 2004). The 
reception aorded to these travelling groups by 
local communities included initial welcome (in 
response to their skills and ?exoticism?) followed 
by persecution and in many countries, expulsion 
and exclusion. (Fraser 1992; Hancock 1987; 
Kenrick and Bakewell 1995). The rst record of 
Gypsies in Britain dates from 1502 in Scotland 
and in England from 1514 (Bancroft 2005). Roma 
populations across Europe are members of the 
same ethno-social group as British Romany 
Gypsies, but whose ancestors had settled in 
other European countries (predominantly in
 Central and Eastern Europe) earlier in the 
migration process which culminated in this 
population reaching the UK and thence 
America/Canada.
 In the United Kingdom (UK) the term ?Gypsy? 
(unlike on the continent) is still widely accepted 
by community members, whereas in contrast, 
outside of Britain, ?Roma? is the preferred in-
 group designation for these populations. 
Where the term ?Roma? is used within this report 
(specically in Chapter 7) we use it to refer to 
Central and East European Roma migrants to 
Britain.
 ?New Travellers? (also discussed separately in 
Chapter 7) are members of a relatively recent 
traveling community who (unlike the other 
groups referred to above) are not members of 
an ethnic minority, but who have themselves 
opted to live a nomadic lifestyle (see further 
Clarke and Greenelds, 2006). A small 
comparative sample of Roma and New Travellers 
have participated in the TEIP study and their 
experiences are detailed separately to enable 
a contrasting view of the economic inclusion 
experiences of communities from beyond the 
main groups of traveling people. In choosing 
to include a sample of these two populations, 
the TEIP has made an explicit political choice 
which identies the benet to Gypsy, Roma and, 
Traveller groups of exploring commonality of 
experiences and also divergence and innovation 
which may lead to sharing of knowledge.
 It is widely accepted in Britain that the terms 
?Gypsy? or ?Roma? do not include the indigenous 
Celtic nomadic groups, e.g. Irish and Scottish 
Travellers (McVeigh 1997). In this report we 
use the umbrella term ?Gypsies and Travellers? 
to distinguish between the main groups 
considered within this study, but in so doing 
we recognise the problem of the imposition of 
a simplistic eponym on a wide range of diverse 
travelling communities.
 Although both Gypsies and Travellers have 
diering origins and cultural traditions there 
are some striking similarities between the 
two populations. Both groups have their own 
distinct community languages, Anglo-Romanes 
(spoken by Gypsies) and Shelta/Gammon used 
by Irish Travellers. Both groups maintain strict 
rituals of cleanliness and hygiene (Mayall, 1996, 
8), operate within close-knit family structures, 
have strong nomadic traditions which are 
facing erosion as a result of sedentarist policies 
and favour working patterns organised 
around kin-groups and self-employment. The 
strong traditions of in-family socialisation and 
employment related training preferred by both 
Gypsies and Irish Travellers has at times acted 
Chapter One - Policy and Research Approaches 5
 as a barrier to participation in formal education 
(Derrington and Kendall, 2004). However, 
perhaps the closest similarity between Gypsies, 
Travellers (and indeed the other nomadic 
groups referred to in this report) is a common 
experience of racism, exclusion and exposure to 
a largely hostile sedentary majority, which rarely
 make any distinction between the dierent 
communities, regarding them all in the main 
as ?undesirables? to be kept as far away as 
possible (see further Richardson, 2006) The 
theme of sedentarisation, hostility and Gypsy 
and Traveller responses to such experiences 
(including preference for inter-community 
employment) are returned to further below.
 Gypsies, Travellers and Social Exclusion
 When discussing social exclusion within 
this report, the TEIP is predicated on an 
understanding of the phenomenon as 
multidimensional, containing economic, 
geographic, generational, racial and gender 
dimensions. Throughout this report when 
discussing the exclusion experienced by Gypsies 
and Travellers we have used as a working 
denition, the Social Exclusion Unit/Cabinet 
Oce description of ?social exclusion which 
states:
 ?Social exclusion is a short?hand term for 
what can happen when people or areas 
have a combination of problems, such as 
unemployment, discrimination, poor skills, 
low incomes, poor housing, high crime and 
family breakdown. These problems are linked 
and mutually reinforcing. Social exclusion is an 
extreme consequence of what happens when 
people do not get a fair deal throughout their 
lives and nd themselves in dicult situations.? 
(Social Exclusion Unit, 1998)
 Whilst social exclusion involves a complex set 
of circumstances, a major element of ?deep 
exclusion? is lack of adequate nancial resources 
(which may include no or limited access to loans 
and banking facilities); low-pay and un or under-
 employment ? the elements which combine 
to create ?economic exclusion? or the situation 
where a group or neighbourhood experiences 
a relatively lower standard of income than does 
the surrounding majority population.
 It is the premise of this report ? based upon the 
limited evidence collected in a review of a series 
of Gypsy Traveller and other Needs Assessment 
datasets (see further Appendix B) and the 
ndings from the Equalities and Human Rights 
Commission review (Cemlyn et. al., 2009) that 
the majority of Gypsies and Travellers in Britain 
experience ?economic exclusion? alongside the 
other domains of exclusion discussed below.
 It has long been accepted that Gypsies and 
Travellers are one of the most excluded groups 
in society (CRE, 2006) across a series of domains. 
It is calculated that life-expectancy is around 
10?12 years less for Gypsies and Travellers than 
for members of the settled community (Parry 
et. al., 2004). Members of these populations also 
experience profound educational disadvantage, 
including higher rates of exclusion from 
school settings than other groups of young 
people (Ryder and Cemlyn, 2010). Educational 
achievement for many Gypsies and Travellers 
(the routes into economic inclusion for many 
people) are worryingly poor, with only 15.6% 
Irish Travellers and 14 % Gypsy/ Roma achieving 
5+ A*-C GSCEs or GNVQs qualications in 
2007 compared to 59.3% of all pupils (DCSF 
2008). There are also reports of growing 
unemployment and welfare dependency 
amongst Gypsy and Traveller communities (CRE, 
2004; Cemlyn et. al, 2009). In common with 
other (non-Gypsy/Traveller) sectors of society 
who experience deep social exclusion and 
deprivation, evidence is suggestive that there 
has been an increase in involvement in crime, 
alcohol and drug abuse amongst marginalised 
Gypsies and Travellers (Power, 2004; Mathews, 
2008).
 Causes of Gypsy and Traveller Exclusion
 As is discussed in more depth elsewhere in 
this report, a close linkage exists between 
accommodation, employment opportunities, 
increased ?professionalisation? of work and 
associated expectations that all sta will 
hold qualications and the decline in Gypsy 
and Traveller social and economic inclusion. 
The impacts of rapid post-war urbanisation 
marked the beginning of the decline of 
opportunities for many traveling people with 
the development and building on of open 
spaces traditionally used for halting sites from 
where people could seek work, combined with 
greater restrictions on parking on farmland and 
privately owned land. This movement to restrict 
?unlicensed? caravan sites (which commenced 
with the 1960 Control and Development of 
Caravan Sites Act and increased the pressure on 
Chapter One - Policy and Research Approaches 6
 sites with each subsequent wave of legislation), 
has created a severe shortage of Gypsy and 
Traveller sites with predictable impacts for 
traveling people?s ability to access work. The 
shortage of site accommodation has been 
exacerbated by widespread discrimination 
against Gypsies and Travellers and the 
reluctance of planning authorities to grant 
permission for residential sites. When combined 
with a policy failure caused by long-term central 
and local government inertia (Richardson 
and Ryder 2010) the situation has developed 
until approximately one in four caravan 
dwelling Gypsies and Travellers (approximately 
eight percent of the total members of these 
communities) have no authorised place to live 
and are thus technically homeless (Johnson and 
Willers, 2007).
 Even where Gypsies and Travellers are able to 
obtain planning permission it is not uncommon 
for them to reside in highly marginalised 
spaces (Cemlyn et al 2009) or to be subject to 
planning restrictions which create signicant 
problems in working from home. Still others 
(those without access to a site) experience 
frequent eviction (Morris and Clements, 2002; 
Clark and Greenelds, 2006) which impacts on 
both work and educational opportunities. As a 
response to site shortages, increasing numbers 
of community members have been forced to 
live in ?conventional housing? leading to the 
break-up of social networks, corresponding 
isolation and stresses on mental health (Shelter, 
2007; Greenelds and Smith, 2011; Matthews, 
2008). All of these factors have been important 
elements which have undermined the economic 
base and work networks of some Gypsies and 
Travellers as well as exacerbating poor access to 
services and training which might have helped 
to assist members of these communities in re-
 establishing new employment opportunities 
(CRE, 2006; Cemlyn et. al., 2009).
 Economic and Bureaucratic Restrictions 
on Gypsy and Traveller Employment 
Opportunities
 In addition to the accommodation related 
restrictions noted above, post-war economic 
change has also had a disproportionately 
negative impact on Gypsies and Travellers as 
ever-increasing mechanisation of agricultural 
practices has eroded the centuries old symbiotic 
relationship between Gypsies and Travellers and 
the farming community (Clark and Greenelds, 
2006).
 Reported increased competition for seasonal 
and manual work by economic migrants 
from Eastern Europe (Home and Greenelds, 
2006) has added still further to the decline in 
employment in the sector of traditional farm 
labour. Whilst the relatively recent changing 
pattern of employment in Britain have also 
had a devastating impact on many other 
communities who work largely in manual 
trades, we would argue that the juxtaposition 
of loss of employment related accommodation 
(parking up on farms during harvest seasons), 
the closure of traditional stopping places and 
sites and diminished employment opportunities 
has led to particularly deep marginalisation for 
members of the travelling communities.
 The literature on Gypsies and Travellers and 
accommodation needs assessments (GTANA) 
has highlighted that the opportunity for Gypsies 
and Travellers to work in traditional modes of 
employment is being increasingly limited by 
State regulation of the workplace (Greenelds 
and Home, 2006). For example, legislative and 
bureaucratic restrictions on casual labour and 
?cold calling? (Cemlyn et. al., 2009) have had 
an adverse eect on Gypsies and Travellers? 
economic practices. Diculties in complying 
with regulations are compounded by poor 
levels of educational achievement and school 
participation (it was suggested within the 
London-wide GTANA), which means many 
Gypsies and Travellers fail to fully understand 
or conform with the plethora of regulations 
that govern working practices, health and 
safety requirements or enable trades people 
to issue relevant certication which is typically 
required for householders to be able to make 
an insurance claim or satisfy building regulation 
requirements (Fordhams, 2008, 80).
 Local authority site restrictions, which bar 
economic activities (for example scrapping, 
or storage of work vehicles) on nearly seventy 
percent of public sites (Niner, 2003) have 
also had a signicant impact on occupants? 
economic inclusion and ability to engage with 
particular forms of preferred self-employment 
(ITMB, 2007; Johnson and Willers 2007). 
Whilst undertaking the TEIP, analysis of 36 
GTANA reports was conducted to provide 
supporting evidence in relation to economic 
activities undertaken by TEIP participants 
and their wider peer group across England 
as reported to GTANA enumerators. A brief 
discussion on the ndings from this analysis 
is included in Appendix B. An additional 
hurdle to economic inclusion for Gypsies and 
Travellers consists of the structural barriers 
Chapter One - Policy and Research Approaches 7
 many community members face in engaging 
with mainstream nancial services and sources 
of credit (Runnymede Trust, 2008). Most 
paid employment (and also householders? or 
contractors? expectations relating to use of a 
tradesperson) require access to a bank account.
 For Gypsies and Travellers who are highly 
mobile, frequent changes of address, use of paid 
?up-front? gas bottle charges or a generator for 
the provision of electricity rather than quarterly 
power bills attached to a xed address, lead 
to a range of associated diculties in proving 
place of residence and/or credit worthiness. 
These can combine to create an insurmountable 
hurdle to opening a bank account, or even 
gaining motor vehicle insurance or ?cover? for 
theft or damage of tools and associated health 
or liability insurances (Cemlyn et al, 2009). For 
Gypsies and Travellers these disadvantages not 
only impede their ability to secure loans and 
mortgages but can also act as a burden which 
limits their opportunities for business growth 
and the ability to secure a stable home base 
(ITMB, 2007).
 The structural barriers to economic and social 
inclusion experienced by Gypsies and Travellers 
arise from a combination of residence in a 
post-modern society which is predicated 
on an assumption of sedentarism, and deep 
rooted institutional racism which fails to take 
account of the cultural dierences and specic 
needs of Gypsy and Traveller communities. It 
has been argued that such institutional and 
enacted racism towards Gypsies and Travellers 
is often linked to perceptions that people with 
a nomadic lifestyle are ?outside? of the norms 
and control of dominant societal discourse 
(McVeigh, 1997) and therefore that sedentary 
society does not owe them the same duty of 
care as is required to people who are regarded 
as ?within? the system. Thus, speaking in 2004, 
the Chair of the (then extant) Commission for 
Racial Equality, Trevor Phillips; noted that:
 ?Discrimination against Gypsies and Travellers 
appears to be the last ?respectable? form of racism. 
It is still considered acceptable to put up ?No 
Traveller? signs in pubs and shops and to make 
blatantly prejudiced remarks about Gypsies and 
Travellers? (BBC 17th October, 2004).
 Six years after this statement was made, whilst 
perhaps less blatant hostility with regard to 
visible denial of access to services is seen, little 
seems to have improved for members of these 
communities in the sense of employment 
related discrimination. Both Cemlyn, (2009) 
and GTANA evidence (see Appendix B) report 
that direct discrimination against Gypsies and 
Travellers still occurs in recruitment practices. 
Greenelds (2008) found evidence of Travellers 
experiencing racist stereotyping at work 
leading to constructive dismissal for which 
no compensation was  sought as a result of 
lack of knowledge of remedies. The London 
accommodation needs assessment noted 
that a quarter of those interviewed who lived 
on sites felt they had suered employment 
discrimination on account of their address 
(Fordhams, 2008, 80).
 As noted at the beginning of this report, the 
timing of this study is particularly apposite in 
the sense of enabling a review of Gypsy and 
Traveller employment options and strategies. 
The Equality and Human Rights Commission 
(EHRC) and Government report ?Monitoring 
the impact of the recession? (EHRC et al, 2009) 
states that in the recession during the 1990s 
ethnic minorities were disproportionately 
aected in terms of rates of job loss and speed 
of becoming unemployed. Thus the current 
recession which began in 2009 may potentially 
herald the prelude to greater levels of scal and 
social exclusion for marginalised Gypsies and 
Travellers.
 The 2009 attacks on Romanian Roma in Belfast 
(Guardian, 28th July 2009; Reuters, 18th August 
2009) and the increase in hostility to this group 
in France and Italy and elsewhere in Europe 
in the months since the start of the nancial 
crisis (Guardian, 17th September 2010) are, 
sadly, likely to be symptomatic of the increased 
community tensions and ?scapegoating? of 
visible minorities that are often generated in 
a recession. Accordingly, monitoring of the 
ways in which the recession impacts on Gypsy 
and Traveller relations to and within the wider 
community may provide insight into the degree 
of civic relations currently existing within Britain.
 Policy Responses to Gypsy and Traveller 
Economic Exclusion in Europe
 Throughout Europe Gypsies, Travellers and 
Roma face economic and social exclusion. 
Whilst this report does oer a forum for 
discussing the wide-spread discrimination 
and racism experienced by members of these 
Chapter One - Policy and Research Approaches 8
 communities, we explicitly reject one form of 
theoretical explanation for this wide-spread 
prejudice and social exclusion ? that pertaining 
to the Moral Underclass Debate (MUD, see 
further Levitas, 1998) which explicitly blames 
people and groups who are excluded for their 
own poverty, accusing them of lacking the will 
to engage with society and obtain employment. 
In Europe, policy makers engaging with Roma 
have generally preferred to adopt the Skills 
Integration Discourse (SID, Levitas, 1998) which 
recommends that access to training will lessen 
the plight of socially excluded communities 
through providing them with appropriate 
skills to enter the labour market and compete 
with other members of society on equal terms 
(Ryder, 2002; Helleiner, 2003; European Roma 
Rights Centre, 2002). Whilst this aim is
 laudable, in practice, the juxtaposition 
of employment training and associated 
assimilation policies have led to Gypsies/Roma 
and Travellers being placed in profoundly 
dislocated working and social environments 
for which they are not tted, or supported 
in making the transition. Roma report that 
they have often been given little say in the 
orientation of new lifestyles, and there have 
been predictably negative results. Placed in new 
and often ghettoised housing estates which 
are often at the edges of cities, presented with 
a limited choice between accepting low paid 
and unskilled manual labour or applying for 
welfare payments, and with the fragmentation 
of traditional support networks and practices 
leading to isolation, cultural trauma and welfare 
dependency, some Gypsies/Roma and Travellers 
have found themselves in a more perilous 
situation than when they were self-employed 
and living in poorer quality marginalized 
accommodation (Stewart, 1997; Blasco, 1999; 
Arnstberg, 1998).
 In Britain, whilst the policy responses have 
been more nuanced, the preference has still 
been for ?upskilling? Gypsies and Travellers to 
t in with mainstream models of employment 
and education, rather than exploring an 
appropriately hybridized way of working which 
could oer simple and yet eective ways of 
change through partnership.
 Policy Responses in the UK
 Whilst decades of assimilationist policies in 
the UK have had a negative impact on the 
economic and accommodation situation of 
many members of these communities, the wide-
 ranging Labour administration policy review of 
Gypsy and Traveller issues which began in the 
early 2000s has brought about some positive 
changes which take account of the specic 
needs of these populations. The following 
policies and schemes which have impacted 
on Gypsy and Traveller economic inclusion in 
recent years have been taken into consideration 
when framing this report and recommendations 
for policy change. Further details are included 
within the main text as appropriate:
 * The development and decline of Traveller 
Education Services
 * Educational curricular reform and the move 
towards individualised learning and academic 
exibility
 * ?Supporting People? Services
 * The Housing Act 2004 and Planning Circular 
1/2006 that created an obligation for local 
authorities to assess levels of accommodation 
need and identify land which would be suitable 
for site development. Although Regional level 
targets for the provision of sites/pitches have 
been rescinded since the election of a new 
administration in May 2010, the duties to assess 
need still exists.
 * The incremental raising of the age at which 
a young person may exit education or skills 
training to eighteen (Education and Skills Act 
2008)
 * The development of the ?Working Together: UK 
National Action Plan on Social Inclusion? (DWP, 
2008)
 * The enactment of the Single Equality Act 
2009 which creates a single equality duty that 
governs the various equalities strands, including 
race, gender, disability and poverty. In particular, 
this piece of legislation enables ?positive action? 
to occur in employment settings.
 Targets and programmes for raising the labour 
market participation levels of long term 
unemployed people (Welfare Reform Bill 2009)
 Whilst a change of political administration and 
the nancial decit facing Britain means that 
some of these policies have been discontinued 
or ?shelved? as a result of shifting policy 
directions, we refer throughout the report to 
policies which have had an impact on new 
economic directions for Gypsies and Travellers 
Chapter One - Policy and Research Approaches 9
 or which were current during the period when 
the research was being undertaken.
 We would note however that the outgoing 
Labour administration?s targets for Gypsy 
site construction appear to be at risk of 
discontinuation (CLG, 2010) and would express 
concerns that loss of such provision may 
deepen the economic plight of some members 
of the community. Moreover, it has been 
suggested that nancial decit reduction at a 
local level is accelerating the erosion of Traveller 
Education Services, a process that was apparent 
under the previous government (Cemlyn and 
Ryder, 2010) and which if it continues is likely 
to have profound impacts on the ability of 
community members to achieve equality.
 In contrast, in some elds of work, a 
continuation of the previous administration?s 
policies remain clear (for example, ?welfare-
 to-work? schemes and the personalisation 
of services ? see further -The Cabinet Oce, 
2010). In the present state of policy ux the key 
question of whether new and emerging policy 
approaches will assist the economic and social 
inclusion of Gypsies and Travellers remains 
unanswerable, although in concluding this 
report an attempt is made to make use of the 
collected data to evaluate the eectiveness and 
potential of the above policy initiatives in the 
light of rapidly changing circumstances.
 Key Questions explored within the Traveller 
Economic Inclusion Project include:
 * To what degree have Gypsies and Travellers 
been assisted in attaining economic inclusion 
by recent policy initiatives?
 * Where can existing or recent policies be 
reformed or amended/ implemented to 
facilitate greater economic inclusion for 
members of these communities?
 Policy Engagement and Empowerment - 
Opportunities for Change
 This report and the processes of community 
partnership research through which it has 
evolved are part of an explicitly politicised 
process of encouraging policy engagement 
by Gypsies and Travellers (see further Chapter 
2 for a discussion on research paradigms and 
philosophy). We argue that only through 
engaging with policy processes and entering 
into dialogue with policy makers can Gypsies 
and Travellers ensure that their wishes, voices 
and community knowledge are fed into the 
process of legislative and policy change.
 Historically Gypsy and Traveller involvement in 
decision making processes has been limited. 
This has been attributed to a combination of 
Governmental inertia but also to the nature of 
Gypsy and Traveller society which traditionally 
utilises thick ?bonding? capital and tends to be
 inward facing rather than engaging with 
external agencies. Typical (and understandable 
in the light of centuries of exclusion and 
discrimination) Gypsy and Traveller suspicions 
of authority combined with a lack of resources 
and capacity building support has resulted in 
political disempowerment for members of these 
communities (Task Group, 2007). Arthur Ivatts 
(Government advisor on Gypsy and Traveller 
education) provides an insightful comment on 
this topic:
 ?The process of inclusion cannot be rushed 
and must depend on negotiated inclusion, in 
that both the group to be included and the 
including society, can agree a set of terms and 
conditions for inclusion without any coercion by 
the includers. Inclusion should not be secured 
under duress but only with the willing consent 
of the Traveller communities? (Ivatts, 2005, 6).
 Whilst the process of developing pathways 
to policy engagement between community 
members and Central and Local Government 
remains relatively slow, a number of key 
engagement processes have been undertaken 
in the past few years. These include the 
following:
 * Community engagement with the Oce of 
the Deputy Prime Minister and subsequently 
Communities and Local Government
 (ODPM/CLG) policy review
Chapter One - Policy and Research Approaches 10
 * Communities and Local Government (CLG) 
twice yearly engagement/ policy meetings 
with Gypsies and Travellers to disseminate 
information on policy initiatives
 * The formation of a Gypsy/Traveller Task Group 
chaired by Sir Brian Briscoe and the publication 
in 2007 of ?The Road Ahead: Final Report of the 
Independent Task Group on Site Provision and 
Enforcement for Gypsies and Travellers?
 * A Department of Children, Schools and 
Families Gypsy and Traveller Forum formed 
in 2009 to facilitate communication and 
engagement with community members
 To date, most policy engagement initiatives 
have focused on accommodation issues with 
very little consideration being given to ways of 
developing economic inclusion mechanisms. 
However, the Department for Work and 
Pensions (DWP) has also held a few ad hoc 
meetings on Travellers on this topic. Noteworthy 
examples of such policy engagement and 
consultation practices include a meeting 
between the DWP Minister for State Jim Murphy 
MP and a delegation of Traveller groups in 2007 
and a joint DWP/ITMB seminar in the same year 
(ITMB, 2007). Reference to the 2007 seminar is 
the only identication of Traveller economic 
inclusion issues within UK National Action Plan 
for Social Inclusion 2008 -10 (DWP, 2008).
 It is unfortunate that despite these early 
promising signs of Governmental willingness to 
engage with Gypsy and Traveller communities 
greater steps have not been taken to comply 
with recommendations and practices emerging 
from Europe, as Roma participation has 
been crucial to the design and monitoring of 
?European Decade of Roma Inclusion? initiatives 
and resultant national plans in a number of 
countries.
 When considering mechanisms for enhancing 
Gypsy and Traveller empowerment as part of 
a broad social inclusion strategy, we would 
suggest that a number of opportunities have 
unfortunately been missed which could have 
acted to pump-prime community engagement 
with policy makers and assist in shaping 
responsive programmes for change. Whilst 
we recognise that the changing policy map is 
likely to lead to a retrenchment of resources 
and refocusing of approaches, we would 
suggest that the emergence of the ?Big Society? 
agenda may enable new opportunities which 
can assist Gypsy and Traveller communities in 
developing economic and social strategies and 
becoming empowered through recognition as a 
community of interest.
 In recent years the (previous) Government has 
broadly focused on ?consultation? rather than 
exploiting mechanisms of ?citizen governance? 
which increase community involvement on 
boards and forums and provide communities 
with a ?voice? in the design and production of 
policies. We would propose that marrying the 
current administration?s ?Big Society? approach 
to the promotion of ?asset based community 
development? would enhance community 
empowerment through enabling Gypsy and 
Traveller led social enterprises such as those 
discussed in Chapter 11 to take a clear lead in 
developing the skills of future leaders and social 
entrepreneurs by utilising internal community 
expertise rather than importing skills from 
external sources. Charlotte Young (of the 
?School for Social Entrepreneurs?) in discussing 
the mechanisms and added value of such a 
community development approach to working 
with marginalised groups, noted that:
 ?.[an asset based community development] 
approach based on small scale, community 
based, bottom up initiatives is the best way 
to break a persistent cycle of deprivation, but 
this is not about communities being given a 
?say? about the services they receive but about 
encouraging people within communities 
to exercise leadership and create their own 
solutions to lived problems? (Guardian, 10th 
September 2008).
 Within the TEIP report we explore the barriers 
and solutions to undertaking this model of 
working with community members, present 
examples of successful social enterprises 
initiated by Gypsies and Travellers and ask how 
these projects can best be replicated to assist in 
?growing? greater numbers of skilled people who 
can act as role models and living ?community 
assets?.
 Key Questions:
 * To what degree have Gypsies and Travellers been 
involved in designing and coordinating projects to 
support economic inclusion?
 * How great has community input been into 
developing governance structures in public and 
private economic inclusion arenas?
Chapter One - Policy and Research Approaches 11
 Targeted Action and ?Personalised Services?
 A relatively recent development which has been 
found to be eective in engaging ?hard to reach? 
or marginalised communities involves the use of 
?targeted action? and personalisation of services 
? both oering opportunities to tailor and 
design services for groups who exist outside of 
the ?mainstream?.
 Targeted Action involves designing services 
which meet the highly specic needs of a 
particular group to enable them to achieve 
desired outcomes. In essence, ?targeted action? 
approaches are in harmony with minority 
rights philosophical approaches, which 
propose developing social policies which are 
culturally sensitive and targeted to the needs 
of a minority (EU, 2008, 69). This mode of 
engagement is typically related to ?integrative-
 managerialist? centralised policy development 
(Hiscock and Stirling, 2009) designed to place 
minorities such as Gypsies and Travellers on an 
equal footing with majority society through the 
mainstreaming of services and encouragement 
for minorities to engage with a ?one-size-ts-all? 
services.
 Although limited research evidence exists 
on economic inclusion models for Gypsies 
and Travellers, Noonan (1994), evaluating 
work undertaken in West Belfast found that 
mainstream training initiatives in the locality 
had failed to attract Travellers, a situation 
which was in stark contrast to several highly 
successful skills-development programmes 
implemented in Europe and Southern Ireland 
which were explicitly culturally attuned 
(Noonan, 1994). In a study commissioned by the 
UK Irish Employment and Training Consortium 
Ganey states ?Irish Travellers are a group with 
very specic needs requiring a highly tailored 
approach? (Ganey, 2000). We would suggest 
that the same observation is likely to hold true 
for other traveling peoples in Britain.
 Use of ?Personalised Services? oers scope for 
communities and individuals to have greater say 
in the design and delivery of services of which 
they make use ? ranging from personal social 
care to employment and training facilities.
 Use of ?Personalised Services? oers scope for 
communities and individuals to have greater 
say in the design and delivery of services of 
which they make use ? ranging from personal 
social care to employment and training 
facilities. Emerging employment policy in this 
eld thus creates the potential for innovative 
service providers to work in partnership with 
third sector agencies, potential employers and 
individuals (McNeil, 2009) to deliver a tailored 
and community assertive extension to targeted 
approaches (e.g. initiatives aimed at particular 
groups). Thus (for example) potentially enabling 
social enterprises to meet the training needs 
of small groups of Traveller young people in a 
specied area, utilizing pre-existing networks, 
skills and facilities to deliver cost-eective high-
 quality, culturally-appropriate workforce (and 
?into work?) development programmes.
 The theme of localism has been endorsed 
and boosted by the Coalition Government 
(elected 2010) with an enhanced emphasis 
on devolution to local decision making 
procedures, a circumstance which provides 
new opportunities for innovative economic 
inclusion responses. However, despite the 
scope for Local Authorities and their strategic 
partners to enhance Gypsy and Traveller social 
inclusion whilst fullling the requirement to 
deliver Sustainable Community Strategies and 
Local Area Agreements which set out local 
priorities (Bartlett, 2009) signicant political 
will is required to bring about positive change. 
At the time of writing, cuts of 27% to local 
authority budgets have been announced in 
the Comprehensive Spending Review (HM 
Treasury, 2010). In June 2010 the Coalition 
Government announced the abolition of 
regional assemblies and Regional Spatial 
Strategies, which had provided the statutory 
framework for increased site provision targets 
following GTANA (CLG, 29th August 2010) and 
in October 2010 it was announced that Planning 
Circular 1/06 (guidance on the provision of 
planning permission for Gypsy sites) would be 
revoked (Hansard, 2010). Accordingly, given the 
link between accommodation and economic 
inclusion explored within this report, a risk 
exists that many Gypsies and Travellers could 
become at greater risk of marginalisation if 
explicit strategic and policy linkage is not made 
to these factors within local authority Equality 
Schemes.
Chapter One - Policy and Research Approaches 12
 Positive Action
 One signicant route to economic inclusion 
(which can be eectively combined with 
personalisation and targeted action), consists 
of utilising Positive Action techniques. As will 
be shown within the TEIP report, this mode 
of action has been particularly ecient in 
up-skilling community members and moving 
them into paid employment. Positive Action 
can include controversial mechanisms (?hard 
forms?) such as a providing restricted training 
schemes which are only open to members of a 
disadvantaged group (European Commission, 
2007), or preferential treatment within 
employment (TRAILER, 2006). ?Soft forms? of 
positive action however are less challenging, 
and include specically welcoming applicants 
from disadvantaged groups without eroding 
the prerogatives of wider society.
 A range of positive action tools, include 
mentoring and championing schemes, outreach 
work to engage with marginalised groups, 
access to training and condence building, 
targeted recruitment, target setting (numbers 
of a specic community to be employed) and 
reviewing services to ensure that they are 
able to meet the needs of excluded minority 
communities (EU, 2009, 41).
 Positive action is sanctioned in European law 
(EU Race Directive, 2000, Article 5) although 
in Britain these measures are not widely used 
(TRAILER, 2006). It is argued that Positive 
Action holds the potential to lead to increased 
employment of Roma and Travellers in certain 
roles, as although access to employment is 
based on open recruitment and selection 
by individual merit, the key positive action 
mechanism lies within the selection criteria 
which (as demonstrated in a number of case 
studies and individual narratives considered 
within this report) include a demonstrated 
knowledge and understanding of Gypsy, Roma 
and Traveller communities, the issues which 
aect these groups and a demonstrated ability 
to communicate eectively and sensitively with 
group members (Murphy, 2001, 12).
 Positive action should not be confused with 
?Armative Action? which, (most commonly 
in America), can be used to promote a quota 
system. Such a form of positive discrimination 
has been rejected as unlawful within the EU 
with the exception of ensuring enhanced 
representation for people with certain 
disabilities and to a lesser extent to equalise 
gender representation (EU, 2009, 24).
 The Equality Act 2010 facilitates positive action 
by allowing employers to take workforce under-
 representation into account when selecting 
between two equally qualied candidates. 
The Act oers great scope for improving the 
circumstances of Gypsies and Travellers in 
many domains, as the benets of the legislation 
extend beyond employment and enable 
agencies to adopt voluntary positive action 
measures to alleviate ?disadvantage experienced 
by people who share a protected characteristic, 
reduce underrepresentation in relation to 
particular activities, and meet particular needs? 
(Clause 152), providing such measures are a 
proportionate way of achieving the relevant 
aim. (NEP Brieng, 2009).
 Given the legacy of under and unemployment 
amongst Gypsies and Travellers it is 
recommended that increased discussion 
on, and application of, positive action and 
?personalised services? should be endorsed by 
equalities champions as a matter of policy as a 
cost-eective and ecient way of increasing the 
number of community members employed in 
specialised service delivery posts -particularly 
those at the interface of traveling communities 
and mainstream service providers e.g education, 
healthcare, culture and community mediation.
 Key Questions:
 Should targeted measures, ?personalised 
services? and positive action be more widely 
adopted in the UK as explicit policy approaches 
in working with Gypsies and Travellers?
 Can these approaches eectively enhance 
economic inclusion for members of the 
travelling communities?
 Where these measures have been implemented 
what have been the outcomes for Gypsies and 
Travellers who engage with services?
 The Traveller Economic Inclusion Project - 
Adaptation and Access to Capitals
 Having outlined some causes of and potential 
policy responses to Gypsy and Traveller 
economic exclusion we turn now to a 
theoretical and practical consideration of how 
inclusion may be achieved for communities at 
Chapter One - Policy and Research Approaches 13
 the margins of society. In seeking to answer this 
question the TEIP considered.
 * The mechanisms used by some Gypsies and 
Travellers to achieve economic and professional 
success.
 * Schemes and initiatives (central Government, 
voluntary sector or individually initiated) that 
have assisted Gypsies and Travellers in achieving 
economic success.
 * Cost-eective and ecient actions that local 
and Central Government and other agencies 
may undertake to improve the economic 
inclusion of Gypsies and Travellers.
 An important facet of the TEIP has been a 
consideration of the eectiveness of diering 
life strategies adopted by Gypsies and Travellers 
in the face of dramatic post-war economic and 
social change. Acton, writing in (1974) devised a 
typology which reected the various strategies 
then adopted by Gypsies and Travellers. Over 
thirty years later, it is suggested that his model 
still remains eective in explaining adaptive 
practices adopted by participants in the TEIP.
 Table 1 - Gypsy and Traveller Adaptation and Responses to Changing Society
 Conservatism
 Gypsies minimise their cultural contact with the outside world and either oppose or are apa-
 thetic to any change in their way of life. ?Stasis?
 Cultural Adaptation
 Gypsies accept inuences from other cultures but as a bonus rather than as a replacement. Na-
 tionalist tendencies (identication with Britain/England rather than accepting a pan-European 
Roma identity) among Gypsies operate as a form of cultural adaptation, as they seek a new 
status within the host society?insider? rather than ?nomadic outsider?.
 Passing
 Gypsies decide to compete with ?gorgios? (non-Gypsies) on their own terms, concealing their 
ethnic origins. This is essentially ?integration by individual decision?.
 Cultural Disintegration
 Gypsies become impoverished and demoralised, losing self-respect and self-condence. The 
collapse of their economy destroys the will to resist the dominant cultural perspectives of the 
host society. Evidence from studies (such as Cemlyn et. al., 2009) indicate that some margina-
 lised community members are at heightened risk of depression, substance abuse, extreme 
poverty, and associated negative impacts which may have a damaging eect on Gypsy and 
Traveller society.
 (adapted from Acton, T., (1974) Gypsy Politics and Social Change, Routledge, pp35-36). London
Chapter One - Policy and Research Approaches 14
 In considering the adaptive life strategies 
utilised by participants, it is important to 
consider the intersection between group 
behaviours and access to social capital.
 Bourdieu (1992) the leading theorist on access 
to networks of power, regarded ?social capital? 
(broadly speaking access to goodwill and 
support and membership of a network of 
people who share similar values and beliefs 
? e.g. family, friends, co-religionists and work 
colleagues) as just one variable that can 
contribute to well-being and status. Within 
Bourdieu?s framework, ?cultural capital? or 
success in mainstream education systems which 
translates exam results into success in the job 
market (Jenkins, 2007) is just as important in 
ensuring that an individual remains linked into 
society and achieves ?success? in mainstream 
terms.
 For Bourdieu, who draws upon the work of 
Ivan Illich (1999) and Paolo Friere (1970) the 
educational curriculum advantages those young 
people who are already auent and familiar 
with educational expectations.
 However, this method of working does not 
reect the cultural and economic aspirations 
of some excluded sections of society (Bourdieu 
and Passeron, 1977). Thus people who already 
have access to money (economic capital) and 
networks of power and education (cultural 
capital) are more likely to be involved with 
groups of similarly privileged individuals 
(through using their social capital) and can 
then use these networks as systems for 
accessing greater privilege and employment 
opportunities and thus once more enhancing 
their access to economic capital (therefore 
becoming richer and more privileged). By 
denition, this cycle excludes anyone who 
does not know the ?rules? and cannot access 
the particular types of capital traded between 
?successful people?.
 In this report however, whilst agreeing largely 
with Bourdieu?s thesis of capital and the ways 
in which these are used, we argue that the 
adaptive mechanisms used by ?successful? 
Gypsies and Travellers utilise a range of capitals 
in an eective manner which enables them to 
enhance their social and economic inclusion 
despite not necessarily wishing to engage fully 
with the ?mainstream? model of success. Thus, 
Acton?s typography of ?passing? and ?cultural 
adaptation? can be perceived as a sophisticated 
variant on ?mainstream? use of capitals, which 
allows Gypsy and Traveller community members 
to retain their own identity and values whilst 
succeeding on their own terms.
 In contrast, those Gypsy and Traveller 
community members who have elected to 
reject contact with mainstream society as far 
as possible (Acton?s concept of ?conservatism?) 
are potentially at risk of becoming more 
marginalized in a rapidly changing world 
where access to qualications, compliance 
with bureaucracy and regulations are markedly 
more important than even a decade ago. The 
low academic achievement (which is part of 
a complex matrix of exclusion (see Cemlyn 
et. al., 2009) but which does involve a degree 
of active choice to disengage from schooling 
for those families who have access to secure 
accommodation) and educational participation 
of Gypsies and Travellers are in part a cultural 
rejection (by some) of formal educational 
structures (Derrington and Kendall, 2004) which 
are perceived of as antipathetic or hostile to 
Gypsy and Traveller cultures. Thus, educational 
exclusion and rejection or lack of cultural capital 
are factors that contribute towards economic 
exclusion.
 Bourdieu?s discussion on symbolic capital (status 
and prestige) and the ways in which adherence 
to particular codes of behaviour oers a series 
of rewards and sanctions for certain activities 
(Jenkins, 2007) and also concepts that can 
oer some insights into the maintenance of 
particular forms of Gypsy and Traveller identity. 
Thus it can be argued that collective norms 
and values (for example privileging or placing a 
higher value on ?traditional? forms of economic 
activity than on educational attainment) may 
also prove important determiners of behaviour 
and outcomes for particular groups of Gypsies 
and Travellers.
 Thus, we can see that whilst social capital (the 
entire bundle of networks of support, value 
systems and family/community groupings) can 
manifest as strong community ties (?bonding 
capital?) which strengthen and protect a group; 
where this exists against a background of very 
?conservative? behaviour a risk can exist that 
communities become static and inward looking 
and fail to adapt to changing circumstances as 
a result of adherence to, traditional modes of 
behaviour. In contrast, where both ?bonding? and
 ?bridging? capital (networks which involve 
connections to people or communities which 
are outside the group and which involve 
transfer of ideas or opportunities) exist greater 
Chapter One - Policy and Research Approaches 15
 exibility and innovation can occur (Halpern, 
2007) which oers the potential for cultural 
adaptation without assimilation and loss of 
community identity.
 These diering conceptions of social networks 
(?bonding? and ?bridging?) when combined with 
Bourdieu?s conceptual approach to possession, 
?trading? and ?use? of various capitals (in 
particular social, cultural and symbolic) form the 
theoretical core of the TEIP research, enabling 
us to frame the life strategies used by successful 
Gypsies and Travellers and to explore the 
variable models used by individuals to achieve 
economic inclusion.
 Typologies of Traveller Life Strategies and 
Economic Organisation
 In the next section of this chapter we consider 
the types of economic organisation used by 
participants in the TEIP. Forms of Gypsy and 
Traveller economic activities which draw upon 
and are centred around the use of ?bonding 
social capital? (i.e. working with and for other 
Gypsies and Travellers) have been identied 
as following traditional ?Traveller Economy? 
practices. Cossee, (2005: 11) sets out the 
benets and common elements of this way 
of working in a typology which the TEIP have 
adapted (below) to provide examples of this 
mode of economic activity.
 The ?Traveller Economy?
 * Bonding capital (working with other family 
members/Gypsies or Travellers
 * Self-Employed
 * Entrepreneurial and variable (exible 
adaptation to what employment becomes 
available)
 * Seasonal (typically farm labour or winter 
market selling)
 * Nomadic
 * Family based
 * In family training (skills passed on amongst the 
family group)
 * Non-separation of home and work base (work 
and live with family group; some activities e.g. 
scrap metal collecting, based on home site)
 Advantages
 * Versatile (enables responsive methods of 
working ? taking advantage of employment 
opportunities)
 * Greater freedom (cooperative working 
methods enable choice over dates/times/
 location of employment rather than being 
bound to waged labour practices)
 * Networks within extended families create 
informal labour exchanges, and enable sharing 
of tool hire services, loan and credit services and 
information on potential contracts
 * ?Bonds? family and kin-group more closely and 
enhances social capital of those engaged in this 
type of employment
 Disadvantages
 * In some cases exible self-employment is 
unprotable
 * Low emphasis on formal training and lack of 
qualications limit opportunities
 * Heavily gendered ? with decreasing 
employment opportunities for women
 A number of other publications also discuss the 
actual organisation and types of employment 
practiced within the traditional Traveller 
economy and mirror the points outlined by 
Cossee. For more details, See further Acton, 
1974; Power, 2004; Clark and Greenelds, 2006; 
ITMB 2007)
 As Cossee notes the ?Traveller Economy? is not 
completely autonomous and discrete from 
the mainstream economy (Cossee, 2005:14). In 
practice, the Traveller economy and associated 
forms of work have always relied on interaction 
with and participation in wider society. Whilst 
Cossee makes specic reference to Gypsies and 
Travellers it is self-evident that the traits listed 
are not culturally specic but can also apply to 
other communities who favour these group-
 based methods of working.
 The suggestion that the Traveller economic 
Chapter One - Policy and Research Approaches 16
 mode pre-disposes to self-employment is 
borne out by other studies of ethnicity and 
employment in the UK (IZA, 2007) which have 
found a correlation between the nature of 
social networks available to an individual or 
group and types of preferred employment. 
For Gypsies and Travellers with high levels of 
bonding social capital, and signicant social and 
cultural investment in retaining a traditional 
or ?conservative? way of life, waged labour has 
the potential to create unwelcome ?signicant? 
relationships with those outside the group, 
which increases the power of external agencies 
and communities to inuence Gypsy and 
Traveller practices. For individuals who wish to 
adhere to a traditional ?conservative? way of life 
this is likely to be unacceptable, as evidenced by 
the rejection of mainstream schooling amongst 
many ?traditional? families (Bhopal, 2004).
 For individuals who opt to follow traditional 
self-employment practices within the Traveller 
economy the decline of eldwork has led to the 
necessity of nding new ?markets? and economic 
activities.
 Popular forms of self-employment for Gypsies 
and Travellers include ?trading? e.g. selling 
wares on open market stalls (such as carpets 
or three piece suites), dealing in scrap metal or 
importing cars from Europe. Other common 
activities include working in skilled manual 
trades such as gardening, tree surgery and 
horse breeding or animal training (Greenelds, 
2006). The extended family networks which 
support strong bonding capital are also able 
to act as informal labour exchanges with 
participants reporting sharing tool hire services, 
extending loan and credit facilities to family 
members and sharing information on potential 
contracts or employment opportunities in a 
manner which is not dissimilar to that reported 
by migrant (predominantly Polish) workers 
in the South West of England (Nicholson and 
Stennett, 2010). The benets of access to these 
?informal? support factors add greatly to the 
protability and versatility of the traditional 
?Traveller Economy? even during times of 
recession.
 Boundary maintenance within the Traveller 
Economy
 The nature of the Traveller Economy means 
that access to cultural capital (in this context, 
Traveller-work specic skills and training 
associated with particular types of trade) 
are not gained through academic training 
but occur informally from within the family 
unit; predominantly through younger family 
members working alongside their elders and 
learning interactively. Amongst many Gypsies 
and Travellers (particularly those who adhere 
to Acton?s (1974) ?conservative? practices) the 
traditional ?Traveller Economy? has long been 
the ideal form of economic activity. Thus high 
levels of symbolic capital (prestige) are attached 
to individuals who are able to make a living and 
support their family using traditional skills. For 
individuals who adhere closely to the traditional 
?Traveller economy? model and who express a 
clear preference for following traditional ways 
of life, deviation from such forms of activity 
(particularly if this involves working with non
 Gypsies/Travellers or accepting waged 
labour) attracts condemnation, a degree of 
stigmatisation and loss of symbolic capital 
(Derrington and Kendal, 2004). Community 
values and adherence to a traditional way of 
life also leads to heavily gendered roles and 
expectations for families operating within the 
Traveller Economy. Thus, women are largely 
expected to focus on domestic or ?home based? 
roles or supporting activities which enable 
men to work more easily within the Traveller 
economy. (Levinson and Sparkes, 2003; EU, 
2008, 58).
 Whilst it may be argued that the cultural 
conservatism of the Traveller Economy and the 
maintenance of rigid inward-looking cultural 
borders may be counter-productive during 
times of rapid economic change and recession, 
Barth (1975) has argued that this mode of 
engagement is a defensive and eective 
response to the racism Gypsies and Travellers 
experience in wider society. Thus, Ballard and 
Ballard (1977) report that ?reactive ethnicity? is 
found amongst ethnic groups who develop, 
enhance and construct their ethnic identity as a 
way of organising against racism. Such inward-
 looking models and practices can eectively 
intensify perceptions of group boundaries and 
act to identify those who are ?in? the group and 
those who are ?outside?, providing opportunities 
to arm identities and strengthen group 
loyalties (Zubin et al., 1994).
 Whilst it would appear that both success and 
failure within the Traveller Economy can lead 
to statis, in fact evidence exists which indicates 
that those on the margins (either striving to 
survive, or who are highly successful) may 
experience cultural change. Thus for example, 
a prosperous Gypsy or Traveller business may 
Chapter One - Policy and Research Approaches 17
 grow to the extent that it warrants moving from 
a highly mobile way of life (or residence on a 
rented plot on a site) to requiring access to a 
xed abode and the ability to formally engage 
with regular employees. Similarly, for those 
families who are eectively destitute or tied 
to a site without access to traditional working 
opportunities, residence in such a location 
may lead to waged employment (Kenrick and 
Bakewell, 1995, 15).
 To date, there has been little discussion in the 
existing literature (other than Cemlyn et. al., 
2009) of new and innovative forms of economic 
activity which involved hybridised forms of 
traditional activities. Whilst the ?traditional? 
Traveller Economy involves economic action 
predominantly working within a closed, self-
 employed community setting, mainstream 
economic activities undertaken by Gypsies 
and Travellers involve the adoption of more 
majoritarian economic practices and behaviour 
whilst still retaining culturally specic traits. 
Whilst this is discussed in depth in Chapter Five, 
the summary below explores the main features 
of this form of economic organisation.
 Traveller Mainstream Economic Activities
 * Bridging social capital (working with non-
 Gypsies and Travellers in a range of settings 
which enhances knowledge, skills and 
understanding of other communities)
 * Greater levels of formal education and training 
are typically required than for employment in 
the traditional Traveller economy
 * Typically individuals are engaged in waged 
employment or more ?formalised? business
 settings
 * Heterogeneous employment and business 
networks are utilized (working with a range of 
communities and organizations which are not 
specic to Gypsies and Travellers)
 * Biculturalism (participants often report 
being able to engage with both their Gypsy 
and Traveller families and communities and 
?mainstream? society) with relative degrees of 
familiarity and comfort.
 * Less gendered in terms of economic 
participation (research evidence suggests more 
women than men may participate in this type of 
working model).
 * More suited to a sedentary lifestyle (either 
residents of licensed sites or those in housing).
 Advantages
 * Ability to access banking facilities and secure 
credit.
 * Participants have greater acquisition of and 
access to formal qualications and transferable 
skills.
 * Development of greater knowledge and skills 
of diverse communities and development of 
community cohesion.
 Disadvantages
 * Lower skilled individuals are likely to receive 
low pay and become caught in the ?low pay/
 benets? trap.
 * People with limited educational qualications 
may nd it dicult to develop their career paths 
or obtain stimulating work (see Derrington and 
Kendall, 2004).
 * Discrimination and Racism (see further Cemlyn 
et. al., 2009; Greenelds, 2008 for a discussion 
on discrimination at work).
 * The necessity for people who are ?passing? (see 
Acton?s 1974 typology) to hide their identity 
from work colleagues to avoid discrimination, 
limiting their ability to feel ?safe? at work?.
 Derrington and Kendall (2004) use the term 
?biculturalism? to describe Gypsy and Traveller 
pupils who have successfully completed 
secondary schooling and are able to operate 
eectively in, and move between, two cultures, 
specically that of their ethnic group and 
?mainstream? society. We posit the argument 
that Gypsies and Travellers who are already 
?bicultural? are most readily able to engage 
with ?mainstream economic activities?, albeit 
that in some cases those individuals in waged 
employment are having to hide their ethnicity 
in order to secure and retain work and avoid 
peer harassment in the workplace (Cemlyn et al, 
2009).
Chapter One - Policy and Research Approaches 18
 Gender and Age Dimensions of Mainstream 
Economic Activity
 As is discussed in more detail elsewhere in 
this report, dierentiation in the ability and 
willingness to adopt life strategies varies by 
gender and age. Whilst Gypsy and Traveller 
women have suered profoundly as a result 
of high levels of exclusion, in particular 
experiencing excessive levels of ill health and 
the emotional responsibility for supporting their 
families in the face of numerous pressures (CRE, 
2006; Cemlyn et, al., 2009), they have in some 
respects been more adept than males at coping 
with economic change.
 In general, GTANA evidence has identied 
that women have been more likely than men 
to participate in and achieve more highly in 
educational and training programmes as well 
as mainstream economic activities (Derrington 
and Kendall, 2004; Dawson, 2000; Cemlyn et. al., 
2009).
 So successful have many women been at 
making a transition to new economic activities 
that Levinson and Sparkes (2003) report a 
growing defensiveness around Gypsy and 
Traveller masculinity, which it is suggested 
may be attributable to the fragmentation of 
the Traveller Economy and a resulting sense of 
demoralization, a perceived loss of masculinity 
and internal conicts within the community 
as men are less likely to be able to support 
their families through traditional (and highly 
valued) skills. Indeed there have been reports of 
growing tensions within families where changes 
have occurred to traditional Gypsy and Traveller 
gendered roles and women have become more 
involved in external employment activities 
(Richardson et al, 2007). Evidence from Gypsy 
Traveller Accommodation Needs Assessments 
(GTANAs) suggests that not only women but 
also some younger Gypsy and Traveller men 
are proving more willing and able to adopt 
innovative economic strategies that depart from 
the ?traditional Traveller Economy? than are their 
elders. See further Appendix B.
 Framing the Research Question
 Whilst the elements considered above are 
important in developing a framework for 
analysis, as we demonstrate within the main 
report the generalised typologies do not 
always hold true, as individual life strategies 
often reveal great complexity, anomalies 
and sophisticated exibility in responses to 
economic crisis. Despite the traditionalism of 
some Gypsies and Travellers, cultural boundaries 
and modes of working appear (within individual 
narratives) to frequently have been redened 
through adaptation and cultural borrowing 
to meet changing circumstances (Acton, 
1997). Thus the TEIP has sought to capture this 
dynamic process of change and adaptation 
to provide indications of the direction of life 
strategies which may prove most eective for 
supporting community members in a time of 
economic uncertainty.
 Key Questions embedded within the 
Traveller Economic Inclusion Project are:
 * How have some Gypsies and Travellers 
achieved economic and professional success?
 * What is the inuence and importance 
of individual/group traits and personal 
characteristics (e.g. gender, age, educational 
participation) and dierent types of social 
networks and accommodation on the likelihood 
of becoming economically ?successful??
 * How do Gypsies and Travellers dene ?success? 
? in ?mainstream? or ?culturally specic? terms?
 Conclusion
 As has been outlined above, the policy and 
practical barriers facing Gypsies and Travellers 
before economic inclusion can be achieved are 
both complex and deep-rooted. In attempting 
to identify routes to scal equality (or at least 
equality of opportunity), a report for the World 
Bank has concluded that social inclusion policies 
for Gypsies, Roma and Travellers need to strike 
a balance between three distinct objectives 
(Ringold et al, 2005: 184)
 (i) Increasing Roma economic opportunities by 
enhancing and qualifying their participation in 
the labour market.
 (ii) Building human capital with the use of levers 
of health and education.
 (iii) Strengthening social capital and community 
development by facilitating Roma participation 
in the public sphere and civil society.
 Whilst this formula does, in our opinion, 
provide the most eective recipe for enhancing 
Chapter One - Policy and Research Approaches 19
 social inclusion, as we have indicated within 
this chapter, in Britain there has often been 
a mismatch in initiatives and outcomes 
resulting from a lack of joined-up policy and 
understanding of community dynamics and 
processes, despite the greatly welcomed and 
very positive focus on supporting Gypsies 
and Travellers in recent years. Accordingly, we 
present both the model with which this study 
was undertaken (see Chapters 2 and 3), and 
the ndings (explored in subsequent chapters), 
as an example of integrated working which 
allows us to identify models of ?success? and 
simultaneously speculate on how local and 
national government, third sector agencies 
and community enterprises can work together 
to develop measures which will enhance the 
economic inclusion of Gypsies and Travellers.
Chapter Two
 Inclusive and Intercultural Action Research: The TEIP Approach
Chapter Two - Inclusive and Intercultural Action Research: The TEIP Approach 21
 Chapter Two
 Inclusive and Intercultural Action 
Research: The TEIP Approach
 Introduction
 In Chapter One, in discussing the combined 
elements which have led many Gypsies and 
Travellers to experience economic exclusion 
we noted that there is evidence of increasing 
rates of unemployment amongst community 
members (Cemlyn et. al., 2009). In 2003 Niner 
noted that in over a third of local authority 
sites in England, managers reported that 
below ten percent of residents were employed. 
Given that the network of approximately 320 
local authority sites accommodates one third 
of the caravan dwelling Gypsy and Traveller 
community, economic exclusion rates (at least 
amongst socially accommodated families) 
was already exceptionally high at the time 
that study was undertaken (Niner, 2003). The 
current economic climate is likely to lead 
to an exacerbation of this trend for welfare 
dependency, increasing the number of Gypsy 
and Travellers families on the nancial margins 
of society. The limited evidence on housed 
Gypsies and Travellers (approximately two-thirds 
of the population) provides incomplete data on 
whether access to more stable accommodation 
and concomitant job opportunities, and 
potentially greater integration with mainstream 
services is allowing this sector of the community 
to gain greater economic security. However, 
in the light of ndings relating to high rates 
of literacy diculties; low access to training 
and qualications; exacerbated anxiety and 
depression amongst ?forcibly settled? families; 
and residence (largely) in run-down housing 
estates suering from ?poverty of place? 
(Cemlyn et. al., 2009; Greenelds and Smith, 
2010; Shelter, 2007) it is likely that a signicant 
percentage of housed Gypsies and Travellers 
are experiencing unemployment and resultant 
marginalisation.
 As summarised in Chapter One, the 
predominant policy debates and focus of Gypsy 
and Traveller research since the 1960s has 
been on accommodation issues, (Richardson 
and Ryder, 2010) and improving educational 
achievement as a way of improving the 
situation of Gypsies and Travellers (DCSF, 
2009). Despite these important developments, 
broader questions of the precise nature of 
social inclusion and how the policy apparatus 
can facilitate a form of inclusion that meets the 
aspirations and lifestyle patterns of Gypsies and 
Travellers have not to date been included in 
policy discourse despite intensive campaigning 
around this issue by activists and policy 
agencies. It had been hoped that the Gypsy 
and Traveller Social Inclusion Taskforce, a body 
proposed by campaigners but never established 
(GTLRC, 2003) and Social Inclusion Unit report 
on frequent movers (SEU, 2006) would enable 
greater public debate on these issues but 
regrettably very little attention was devoted 
to the economic experiences of Gypsies 
and Travellers in the resulting publications, 
with intended ?follow-up? reports failing to 
materialise. Hence an important opportunity 
to extend understanding of the economic 
exclusion processes experienced by Gypsies 
and Travellers was missed, as was a chance to 
?mainstream? their needs into policy and service 
provision whilst enhancing understanding and 
support for a now precarious way of life.
 In 2007 the Irish Traveller Movement in 
Britain jointly organised a seminar with the 
Department for Work and Pensions (DWP) on 
the topic of Gypsy and Traveller economic 
inclusion. At the seminar calls were made for 
the DWP to establish a regular forum on this 
issue (ITMB, 2007), however it was reported 
that a ?special interest group? focused on one 
minority would contravene the DWP policy 
of ?mainstreaming? of equality issues and no 
further work has been undertaken on this topic 
until the current Big Lottery funded report
 The Background to the TEIP
 The Traveller Economic Inclusion Project (TEIP) 
has been designed with the intent of exploring 
what factors may add resilience to communities 
and individuals seeking to enhance their 
economic status and how best to stimulate 
economic inclusion and growth within Gypsy 
and Traveller society.
 A central feature of this debate is to explore the 
ways in which ?Traveller Economy? employment 
related activities can be evidenced and 
supported, as they are a clear determiner of 
material well-being and life chances for this 
community. Such a discussion has a clear 
intercultural dimension as socio-economic 
relations and interaction between the state, 
mainstream society and Gypsies and Travellers 
Chapter Two - Inclusive and Intercultural Action Research: The TEIP Approach 22
 need to be scrutinised within the nexus of 
employment-education-social inclusion. In 
turn such examination of opportunities and 
outcomes raises issues around cultural norms 
and values and the changing nature of group 
identity which are of critical interest for policy 
makers and actors working in the domains of 
community cohesion and inclusion.
 The Irish Traveller Movement in Britain, working 
with key community and research partners 
(e.g Friends, Families and Travellers and 
Buckinghamshire New University) approached 
the Big Lottery Fund for nancial support 
for an ?Action Research? programme using 
community development methods to explore 
the mechanisms used by (some) Gypsies and 
Travellers to secure economic inclusion. The Big 
Lottery Research Fund is designed specically 
to encourage third sector (voluntary agency) 
groups to design and undertake research 
which is grounded in the experience of service 
delivery and the planning of support services 
for their client community groups. Thus, access 
to such sources of research funding sustains 
research that is perhaps more relevant and 
attuned to the needs of third sector groups and 
the communities with which they work than are 
some other forms of academic research that can 
be more detached from these constituencies. 
Outcomes from such third sector led research 
is particularly eective in delivering concrete 
policy outcomes.
 It is intended that the Traveller Economic 
Inclusion Project report will provide 
the discussion, policy analysis and 
recommendations which to date Central 
Government agencies have failed to address, 
whilst providing space to debate broader 
cultural questions, including how best to 
preserve Gypsy and Traveller identities whilst 
mechanisms of economic inclusion are 
developing, and whether cultural change needs 
to take place to enable wealth to accrue to 
members of these minority groups.
 The Intercultural Context of Economic Policy 
Research
 Key aims of the TEIP are to:
 * Gain a greater understanding of culturally 
appropriate/adaptive mechanisms which are 
used by ?successful? Gypsies and Travellers and 
which can be developed to increase economic 
inclusion across the community as a whole
 * To use the ndings to inuence local and 
national policy and practice in relation 
to planning for economic inclusion for 
marginalised communities.
 * Enhance and develop a partnership-
 formulated evidence/knowledge base 
which will be disseminated through various 
mechanisms to improve policy and practice 
pertaining to Traveller economic inclusion.
 Before discussing the details of this project 
it is apposite to consider the intercultural 
underpinnings of the research model utilised in 
this study.
 Powell and Sze (2004:1) refer to the 
philosophical and political science theory of 
interculturalism, as one which ?recognises that 
in a society of mixed ethnicities, cultures act in 
multiple directions. Host or majority cultures 
are inuenced by immigrant or minority 
cultures and vice versa. Multiculturalism 
tends to preserve a cultural heritage, while 
interculturalism acknowledges and enables 
cultures to have currency, to be exchanged, to 
circulate, to be modied and evolve?.
 Thus, interculturalism requires an inherent 
openness and willingness to be exposed to 
the culture of the ?other?. Once a person is 
exposed to an element of a dierent culture, 
and seeks to willingly (as opposed to under 
?policy ?duress) understand cultural variation, 
a dialogue of equals should ensue, where all 
participants embark upon understanding 
each other?s culture (Bennett, 1998). The TEIP 
partners believe that the issue of economic and 
social inclusion of Gypsies and Travellers has 
been neglected by both community members 
and policy makers in terms of policy discussions. 
It is therefore hoped that the intercultural 
research approach used within this project will 
initiate dialogue, greater understanding and 
change both within the policy community and 
in wider practice. Debate of this type is also an 
embedded feature of action research ? where 
?insiders? and ?outsiders? join in a mutual learning 
process (Greenwood and Levin, 1998). In the 
TEIP we have elected to use an ?action research? 
methodology (see further Chapter 3) which is 
philosophically and politically wedded to an 
explicit ?change agenda? built upon intercultural 
understanding and appreciation.
Chapter Two - Inclusive and Intercultural Action Research: The TEIP Approach 23
 Participatory Action Research
 Given that the TEIP has an explicit focus of 
seeking to enhance community involvement, 
engagement and skills development, the most 
appropriate form of methodology for use in this 
study was participatory action research.
 Participatory Action Research is research that 
works explicitly with and for people rather than
 undertaking research on subjects, a mode 
of inquiry which has roots in the work of the 
educationalist Paolo Friere (1970) and also 
Antonio Gramsci who famously declared that 
all people are intellectuals and philosophers 
or ?Organic intellectuals?. In particular, Gramsci 
was preoccupied with fore-grounding 
the conceptualisation that non-academic 
(predominantly) working-class people are more 
than able to take their local knowledge from 
life experiences, and use that knowledge to 
eectively address changes and problems in 
society (Gramsci, 1971, 258).
 Participatory Action Research is an explicitly 
socio-political mode of research and the way 
in which it is undertaken is an active statement 
of political and policy ideals. In essence there 
are three core types of participatory research: 
Consultation; Participatory; and Partnership. 
We have noted above the tendency for 
successive political administrations to engage 
in consultation rather than partnership working, 
but it is the latter form of engagement which 
the research team engaged on the TEIP has 
embraced, a model which enables the voices of 
marginalised people to be heard and to have 
a full say in the development of both research 
methods and research outcomes.
 There are sound reasons for adopting such a 
research approach, as Meyer notes ?its strength 
lies in its focus on generating solutions to 
practical problems and its ability to empower 
practitioners ? getting them to engage with 
research and subsequent development? 
(Meyer, 2004: 454). This point is elaborated 
by Greenwood and Levin, key practitioners 
of action research whose seminal work 
?Social Research for Social Change? (1998) has 
been inuential in fashioning TEIP?s research 
approach. According to these authors:
 ?Action research is social research carried out 
by a team encompassing a professional action 
researcher and members of an organisation or 
community seeking to improve their situation. 
Action research promotes broad participation 
in the research process and supports action 
leading to a more just or satisfying situation for 
the stakeholders? (Greenwood and Levin, 1998: 
4).
 It can therefore be seen that action research has 
a democratic impulse as ?Democracy in action 
research usually requires participants to be seen 
as equals. The researcher works as a facilitator 
of change, consulting with participants not only 
on the action process but also on how it will be 
evaluated?? (Meyer, 2004: 454).
 Throughout the TEIP, ndings have been fed 
back to participants for validation and to inform 
decisions about the next stage of the research, 
in order that outcomes are meaningful and 
useful to the participants. As Meyer notes ?The 
researcher strives to include the participants? 
perspective on the data by feeding back 
ndings to participants and incorporating 
their responses as new data in the nal report?. 
(Meyer, 2004, 454)
 The TEIP can be demonstrated to reect the 
principles of participatory action research by:
 * Having Gypsy and Traveller and community 
group representation on the project steering 
group and involved in research design and 
analysis.
 * Having Traveller interviewers in a mixed team 
of interviewers conducting 100 qualitative 
(semi-structured/conversational) interviews 
with community members.
 * The development of training courses in
 qualitative research for Traveller interviewers 
giving them greater understanding of how 
to conduct a semi-structured interview and 
analyse collected data.
 * Giving Travellers who have been interviewed 
a chance to participate in analysis through 
regional seminars where ndings are presented.
 * A ?call to context?: an insistence on framing 
the lived experience of marginalised peoples 
within a specic context as a defence against 
universalised discourse of equality; (Gillborn 
2008; Delgado, 1995) is embedded in both 
the research proposal and all publishable and 
disseminated outcomes, ensuring that Traveller 
voices are heard in the nal research report. 
In particular this is performed by using a high 
Chapter Two - Inclusive and Intercultural Action Research: The TEIP Approach 24
 number of direct quotations and case studies 
of Traveller life histories, making the nal 
report accessible and comprehensible to the 
communities who are parties to the research.
 Rationale for the selected methodology
 Many of the principal organisations and 
researchers involved in the TEIP have a long 
history of promoting participation and 
empowerment amongst Gypsies and Travellers 
in campaigning and policy development. 
Hence, participatory action research seemed 
a logical extension of this work. Principal TEIP 
organisations and researchers were involved 
in the work of the Traveller Law Research Unit 
where academics at Cardi University Law 
School (Rachel Morris and Professor Luke 
Clements) facilitated the emergence of policy 
aspirations of a broad range of community 
representatives by drafting the Traveller Law 
Reform Bill and introducing these community 
members to the intricacies of legislative policy 
development. Once this process of policy 
formulation was completed an umbrella 
campaign organisation, the Gypsy and Traveller 
Law Reform Coalition, was established which 
introduced and actively involved coalition 
community members in lobbying and engaging 
in direct dialogue with policy makers. The 
success of this work was noted by Liberty who 
awarded the coalition the Liberty human rights 
award in 2004. The citation for the award read:
 ?For exceptional achievement in uniting Gypsies, 
Irish Travellers and New Travellers and providing 
a powerful voice to lobby for positive change and 
recognition of their human rights and for eective 
engagement of cross party support for some of the 
most socially excluded groups in the UK?.
 The lead researcher for the TEIP was Andrew 
Ryder who was a founding member and the 
Policy Development Worker for the Gypsy 
and Traveller Law Reform Coalition. Similarly 
the community groups the Irish Traveller 
Movement in Britain and Friends Families and 
Travellers were lead agencies in the coalition 
and are respectively the lead and one of the 
key partner organisations involved in the TEIP. 
Other modes of engagement have also brought 
about greater Gypsy and Traveller involvement 
in policy development and research processes 
and members of the research team have been 
involved in these.
 Under section 225 of the Housing Act 2004 
(CLG, 2007) local authorities are statutorily 
required to undertake Gypsy and Traveller 
Accommodation Needs Assessments (GTANAs) 
to identify the housing and site needs of 
community members. One of the rst GTANAs 
completed in the UK was the Cambridgeshire 
GTANA on which Margaret Greenelds, (co-
 author of the TEIP project), acted as co-Principal 
Investigator and research methodology lead. 
One of the unusual features of this GTANA was 
that it involved Gypsies and Travellers in the 
design of the project and included community 
members as interviewers (Greenelds and 
Home, 2006). The Cambridgeshire GTANA has 
been described as ?best practice? by a range of
 organisations including Equality and Human 
Rights Commission; INVOLVE (the Department 
of Health funded advisory group on engaging 
health and social care service users? in practice 
development) and the European Fundamental 
Rights Agency.
 Given that the TEIP wished to have a clear 
impact on policies aecting economic and 
social inclusion it was imperative that Gypsies 
and Travellers were meaningfully involved 
in all stages of the research so that the data 
captured was valid, providing meaningful 
insights into the lives of the researched 
community. This principle was captured in the 
development of the research methodology 
where community members were given an 
important role in research design and data 
collection and interpretation and conversational 
(non interrogative and hierarchical) interview 
methods were encouraged (see further Chapter 
Three).
 Given that on principle the TEIP was determined 
to avoid ?quick and dirty? research where the 
researcher extracts information and uses it 
in a way which has no intrinsic value for the 
community being researched the team has 
been careful to involve community members 
throughout all stages of the project. Such 
?quick and dirty? research methods are 
objectionable on ethical terms, particularly, as 
they consistently involve a failure to report back 
ndings to the subject of the research. Where 
Gypsies and Travellers have been the topic of 
research and scholarship, it has sometimes 
been as passive ?research subjects? (an approach 
critiqued by Greenelds and Home, 2006). As a 
result, there has been at times little enthusiasm 
by community members to participate in 
something that appears to have little benet 
for them (Brown and Scullion, 2009). Through 
Chapter Two - Inclusive and Intercultural Action Research: The TEIP Approach 25
 active partnership and participation of the 
community being researched the TEIP team 
has endeavored to maximise community ?buy 
in? as well as remaining true to the political 
and philosophical roots of participatory action 
research.
 Conclusion
 In this chapter the researchers involved in the 
TEIP have set out the case for undertaking
 research with Gypsies and Travellers that 
is participatory, partnership-based, action 
orientated and which seeks to give something 
back to the community being researched.1
 To do otherwise, and en passant to treat 
Gypsies and Travellers, who are one of the most 
excluded minorities in society, as nothing more 
than a passive research subject on which to 
model and demonstrate some distant abstract 
argument, is counter-productive and alien 
to our political philosophy. Not all research 
projects can emulate the scope of Gypsy and 
Traveller participation as set out by the TEIP 
and in this we acknowledge that we were 
fortunate in that the project was uniquely well 
funded and resourced. However, most forms of 
research provide scope and opportunity to give 
something back to the ?researched? in terms of 
participation and honest dialogue between the 
researched and the researcher and we would 
recommend most strongly that such methods 
are used when engaging with any marginalised 
or vulnerable community.
 1 For a more in-depth discussion on this topic see the 
(unpublished) conference paper with the same title 
submitted by Andrew Ryder and Margaret Greenelds to 
the Conference on Applied Interculturality Research, Graz 
University, Austria, April 2010
Chapter Three
 Research Methods
Chapter Three - Research Methods 27
 Chapter Three
 Research Methods
 Introduction
 In this chapter we detail the research 
methodologies used in the TEIP. As discussed 
in Chapter One, whilst this research has 
given consideration to the economic 
inclusion strategies of members of a range of 
communities (Gypsies, Irish Travellers, Roma 
and New Travellers) we have elected to focus 
predominantly on the experiences of Gypsies 
and Irish Travellers to reect their numerical 
dominance in Britain and (compared to 
New Travellers) generally lower base level of 
academic attainment (with obvious implications 
for access to employment and economic 
inclusion).
 Roma are included within the sample in 
respect of the experiences of high levels of 
racism and discrimination in their countries of 
origin, shared heritage with Romany Gypsies 
and increasing inclusion in UK wide strategies 
pertaining to health, education and related 
areas. We are acutely aware that the experience 
of migration and use of English as a second 
language interleaves additional layers of 
complexity to the situation and experiences 
of Roma and that exploring these migration 
narratives and policy approaches is beyond the 
scope of this study.
 We therefore, in Chapter Seven, summarise 
recent reports pertaining to Roma exclusion and 
discuss literature in relation to New Traveller 
origins and experiences prior to presenting 
the data on economic exclusion and inclusion 
experienced by interviewees from these two 
communities discretely from that of Irish 
Travellers and Romany Gypsies.
 Accordingly, in the main, the ndings reported 
within this study (and the majority of diagrams 
and charts other than in Chapter Seven) relate 
to Gypsies and Irish Travellers although where
 possible discussion is given of comparable 
ndings between the larger groups and Roma/
 New Travellers.
 Table 2 ? Numbers of People Interviewed: 
The Research Sample (Numbers of People 
Interviewed by ethnic origin)
                 4 
 
      
                5
               26
       
              60
 Research Methods (Qualitative Approaches)
 As outlined in the previous chapter, we adopted 
an action research methodology with the 
intent of ensuring that respondents? aspirations 
and their range of life experiences were fully 
captured in this report. To enable us to fulll this 
objective we have utilised qualitative methods 
(where interviewees ?describe? their experiences 
which are then contextualized and analysed to 
look for patterns and core themes) rather than 
quantitative methodologies (numerically based/
 statistical) which are unsuitable for this type of 
research both because no real dierentiated 
data exists on Gypsy and Traveller participation 
in the workforce, and as use of ?numbers? does 
not allow us to explore people?s experiences, 
emotions and personal histories.
 To obtain information we used semi-structured 
questionnaires (where a series of questions are 
asked and the interviewer then follows up the 
answer to particular questions to obtain ?rich?, 
detailed information rather than following a 
rigid, set format where important data might 
be ?missed? when the interviewer goes onto the 
next subject). The key benet of the use of un or 
semi-structured interviews is exibility, allowing 
new questions to be improvised in response 
to interviewees? answers. The interviewer 
administering a semi-structured interview 
generally has a framework of themes/questions 
to be explored (a ?topic guide?). The ?topic guides? 
which were used by TEIP interviewers to steer 
the conversation whilst ensuring that key areas 
were covered can be found at Appendix C. Core 
questions used within the TEIP interviewees 
Roma
 New Travellers
 Irish Travellers
 (including 4 of mixed heritage)
 Romany Gypsies  (4 of mixed 
heritage/ 2 Scottish Travellers of 
Romany Gypsy Heritage)
Chapter Three - Research Methods 28
 were very ?open? to enable interviewees to 
focus on issues of concern and importance that 
they had themselves prioritised rather purely 
exploring those identied by the researcher 
team (See Appendix C for examples).
 Rationale for Use of ?Semi-Structured 
Questionnaires?
 Whilst our general approach requires the use 
of qualitative methods it would have been 
possible to use several dierent research 
techniques (see further May, 2001). However, we 
opted for the administration of semi-structured 
questionnaires on the grounds that these would 
be most inductive to ?conversational style? and 
would be regarded as culturally acceptable 
to participants and therefore yield the most 
productive results.
 Research projects and consultations that 
involve highly structured and interrogative 
interviews have anecdotally aroused Gypsies 
and Travellers? suspicions of inquisitive 
?outsiders?, circumstances which are frequently 
conated with past experiences of interrogative 
and prying ocials who have meant ill will 
towards the community. The impacts of misuse 
of research has been acute for Gypsies and 
Travellers both in the UK and internationally 
(e.g. during the Second World War when 
specious racial stereotyping was used as a 
justication for genocide, see Kenrick, 2004). 
The legacy of such unethical practice has been 
profound, arousing concerns and retaining 
immediacy amongst community members 
to this day. During the nal stages of the 
research project signicant political changes 
were occurring in Britain with a change of 
administration with a somewhat dierent policy 
focus from their predecessors with regard to 
Gypsy and Traveller issues, and simultaneously 
anti-Roma discrimination and expulsions were 
taking place in mainland Europe. We were 
advised on several occasions that community 
members in the UK were anxious and 
concerned about political changes and indeed 
accessing interviews during the nal months 
of the programme became signicantly more 
dicult as a result of a general ?withdrawal? from 
engagement with agencies by some community 
members who were reluctant to draw attention 
to themselves or who had more pressing 
concerns relating to planning during a period 
of signicant uncertainty whilst new policies 
were being drawn up and budgets recast. In the 
light of our experiences and with the diculties 
in accessing some potential participants, even 
with the aid of trusted community interviewees, 
the research team believes that use of other 
forms of research methods would have proved 
counter-productive.
 Okely (who in the 1970s undertook leading 
qualitative research with members of these 
communities in Britain) observed that in her 
early experiences of contact with the Gypsy 
and Traveller population she found that 
highly structured interview questionnaires 
designed solely by outsiders could prove 
counterproductive to a research project in 
which the community had little ?buy in?, forcing 
her to rethink her approach (Okely, 1983). 
Researchers involved in other studies as well 
as GTANAs conrm that similar diculties in 
obtaining data have occurred within a number 
of projects where partnership working has not 
taken place to devise suitable questionnaires or 
inappropriate methods have been used.
 Not only do we believe in principle that Gypsies 
and Travellers should be actively involved 
in the design of all questionnaires and topic 
guides, but in terms of practical results, utilising 
techniques which draw out a conversational 
style of interview have proven more culturally 
conducive to Gypsy and Traveller engagement 
whilst empowering interviewees by enabling 
them to set out their concerns, interests and 
aspirations without undue restriction. Thus, 
the use of qualitative methodologies increases 
the ability of the research to validly capture 
the experiences of those being interviewed. 
Moreover, where the authors adopt a ?call to 
context? (Delgado, 1995; see further Chapter 
Two) as has occurred within TEIP, combined with 
signicant use of direct quotations, ndings are 
able to be presented more eectively to ensure 
that Gypsy, Roma and Traveller voices speak 
directly to the reader.
 Data Recording
 Interviewers digitally recorded the interviews 
after obtaining ?informed consent? from 
participants. This method of recording 
the data (as opposed to writing down key 
comments) provides a more accurate record 
of the discussion than would be possible if an 
interviewer attempted to note down everything 
said in an hour long meeting. Thus, methods 
associated with the use of semi-structured 
Chapter Three - Research Methods 29
 questionnaires are dierent from ?survey? 
methods (similar to those used in GTANAs) 
where answers to some (fairly ?xed?/closed) 
questions are written onto forms and other 
questions are predominantly quantitative in 
format (for example asking about numbers of 
family members, vehicles etc.)
 Use of a digital recorder to capture data 
also enabled the interview to feel more like 
a conversation, allowing the interviewer to 
concentrate on the discussion rather than 
taking notes. This approach places interviewees 
at ease and enables them to feel comfortable 
in divulging more revealing information of 
the type essential to producing a qualitative 
study where insights are being sought into 
life histories and economic strategies. This is 
in contrast to a formal ?interrogative? style of 
interviewing which could potentially stie 
opportunities for respondents to speak on 
their own terms and without pressure. None 
of the interviewees declined the request to 
have their interview recorded. However, we 
are aware that some participants who were 
unaccustomed to being interviewed may have 
felt a little apprehensive at the start of the 
process. Interviewers report that any initial 
nervousness was oset by the interviews being 
conducted in respondents? homes where they 
felt comfortable, and also by the conversational 
nature of the interview.
 Ethical Issues
 All interviewers received training in ethical 
guidance prior to commencing the interview 
stage of the project. Thus, information was 
given on the nature of ?informed consent? and 
the ability for an interviewee to request the 
termination of an interview at any time; issues 
relating to legal and ethical duties in relation to 
child and vulnerable adult protection; health 
and safety whilst interviewing and dealing 
with sensitive topics during an interview. All 
participants were required to provide written 
?informed consent? to indicate that they 
understood the nature of the project and 
purposes of the interview. In accordance with 
the Big Lottery Fund requirements and a sound 
research practice ethical review for the project, 
on-going available guidance was provided by 
the Buckinghamshire New University Society 
and Health Research Ethics Committee and the 
day-to-day progress of the project was guided 
by the ethics guidance issued to members of 
the Social Policy Association and the available 
from the Economic and Social Research Council.
 Purposive Sampling
 Interviewees were selected to participate in the 
study on the basis of personal characteristics 
and geographical location. This method of 
selecting participants is known as purposive 
sampling (as opposed to ?random? sampling 
where for example every third person on a list is 
selected for interview).
 When opting to use ?purposive sample? a person 
(or object) is included in the pool of interviews 
because the ?case? (or locality) or person 
illustrates some feature of a process that the 
researcher is interested in exploring (Silverman, 
2000:104). In the TEIP project, the main ?variable? 
(thing we were interested in) was the means by 
which interviewees earned a living. Purposive 
sampling can illustrate a range of circumstances 
and ensure ?interesting? cases are included and 
this has been the approach taken within the 
TEIP. In the selection of the ?sampling frame? 
(pool from which interviewees were drawn), the 
TEIP endeavored to include a cross section of 
ages, geographic location and gender balance 
(see Tables 2 to 6 below) but also interviewees 
who represented a full economic range of 
Gypsies and Travellers (for example people 
working in professional; skilled and unskilled 
occupations; including those who are self-
 employed as well as waged).
 Geographical Location
 Longitudinal analysis of administrative statistics 
collected during the biannual caravan count, 
a count of Gypsy and Traveller Caravans which 
takes place twice a year and records the 
number of caravans on both authorised and 
unauthorised sites across England (CLG, 2010), 
indicates that the greatest concentrations of 
Gypsies and Travellers are resident in the East 
and South East of England. To avoid a mismatch 
in data collection and loss of relevant regional 
data enabling geographical comparison of 
opportunities throughout England, the TEIP 
team resolved that a more even distribution 
of interviews across the regions should be 
undertaken, rather than compliance with 
statistical ndings.
Chapter Three - Research Methods 30
 Accordingly, a quota target of 10 interviews 
was set for each region. In practice, in some 
localities targets were not met as a result of 
lack of contacts or specic local circumstances, 
whilst in other areas, existing contact networks 
allowed this target to be exceeded. The sample 
frame was also (wherever possible) stratied by 
age, gender, employment type and ethnicity, 
with the intent of obtaining interviews which 
provide insight into a broad range of Gypsies 
and Travellers? experiences in the UK.
 Redistribution of ?unmet? targets took place 
during the nal stages of the project in an 
attempt to provide the overall sample of 100 as 
initially planned. In practice, 95 interviews were 
obtained (see Table 1 for further information).
 Table 3 below indicates the geographic location and numbers of Gypsy and Irish Traveller 
interviewees. (Further information on Roma and New Traveller respondents are considered 
in Chapter 7)
 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15
 North East
 West Midlands
 London
 South West
 East
 East Midlands
 South East
 Yorkshire and Humberside
 North West
 Geographic Location of Gypsies and Irish Travellers
 Geographic Location
Chapter Three - Research Methods 31
 Types of Employment and Economic Inclusion
 Interviewees were selected because they were 
representative of a range of denitions of 
Traveller success. Here there was some variation 
in terms of interpretation based on notions of 
success via the traditional ?Traveller Economy? 
and ?bridging? economic activities (See Chapter 
Two). For some Travellers self-employment 
and nomadism are considered the ultimate in 
economic inclusion and are felt to be superior 
to waged employment. The self-employed 
category formed a large proportion of the 
interviewees. Interviewees had a wide range of 
incomes that spanned from what were in some 
cases very wealthy individuals to those living on 
much lower incomes and probably experiencing 
relative poverty. Nearly 10 percent of the 
?waged? group also fell into the low income 
banding level. However, waged professionals 
were a rapidly growing category. Most had 
derived employment in this area in recent 
years and were employed in community and 
education projects and were largely women. 
The management and higher professional 
category represented a fth of the sample. 
The diagram below reects the employment 
status categories of the Gypsy and Irish Traveller 
sample expressed numerically.
 Table 4: Types of Employment Undertaken by Interviewees
 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70
 Seasonal
 Between Work
 Studying/ Training and Part-Time Work
 Retired
 Voluntary Sessional
 Working Part-Time
 Working Full-Time 62
 8
 6
 5
 2
 2
 1
 Types of Employment for Gypsies and Irish Travellers
Chapter Three - Research Methods 32
 Gender
 In the light of ndings that the male and female 
workforce in the UK is now virtually equal in 
terms of numbers (ONS 2009), the sampling 
frame would (if matched to ?main-stream? 
economic patterns) require equal numbers of 
male and female interviewees.
 Whilst rates of engagement with paid 
employment varies by gender in many minority 
ethnic groups, and amongst Gypsy and Traveller 
communities women are often encouraged 
to stay at home and perform domestic duties 
or support the male breadwinner in their 
economic activities (Cemlyn et al, 2009) the 
TEIP sought to obtain equal numbers of male 
and female interviewees. In practice, it proved 
easier to identify economically active women 
to interview as they were more likely to be 
employed in Traveller support services and/
 or known to the researchers and interviewers. 
Previous investigations have found Gypsy and 
Traveller women are generally more willing 
to be interviewed than their male partners, 
(Norfolk GTANA6 20608) and within the TEIP 
women were indeed generally more open 
to participation, no doubt reecting greater 
experience with dealing with external agencies. 
Accordingly more women were interviewed 
than men (55% female/40% male).
 Table 5: Gender Balance of Interviewees
 Gender Balance
 45% 55%
 Male  Female
Chapter Three - Research Methods 33
 Age
 In keeping with the intention of accessing a 
broad range of respondents we were successful 
in interviewing community members across 
a wide range of ages (between 18 and 87 
years). Use of such broad age bands allowed 
the research to identify generational trends 
in employment, attitudes to changing work 
opportunities and experience.
 Table 6: Age/Number of Interviewees
 0
 5
 10
 15
 20
 25
 81-9071-8061-7051-6041-5031-4021-30Under 21
 8
 16
 14
 23
 13
 6
 5
 1
 Gypsies and Irish Travellers and Age
Chapter Three - Research Methods 34
 Sample Frame by Ethnicity (Proportionality 
Issues)
 In devising a sample frame by ethnicity the 
TEIP team were constrained by the paucity of 
accurate gures on the numbers of Gypsies 
and Travellers in England. At the time of writing 
the most ecient data set is PLASC (Pupil Level 
Annual School Census). Although there is a 
reluctance by some families to self-identify 
as community members (often based on a 
well-justied fear of racist bullying) the PLASC 
data still provides an important prole of this 
community (see further Cemlyn et. al. 2009). The 
PLASC data for primary school attendance for 
2007/8 revealed that there were 5,760 Gypsy/
 Roma pupils enrolled in school in England/
 Wales compared to 2,900 Irish Travellers (DCSF, 
2008) with a signicant decline in both groups 
at secondary school age associated with early 
school leaving (see Chapter One). Using these 
data sets allows the researcher to make a crude 
analysis of national percentages/proportions 
of the two main community groups. Such an 
estimate enables the TEIP to work on a basis of 
one third of the Gypsy and Traveller community 
is comprised of Irish Travellers whilst the 
remaining two thirds are Gypsies. Accordingly, it 
was agreed that at least a third of the interview 
sample should be Irish Travellers. The diagram 
below shows the full TEIP sample by self-
 identied ethnicity, and represents all ethnic 
groups interviewed (e.g. Gypsy/Irish Traveller/
 Scottish Traveller/mixed heritage/Roma/New 
Traveller)
 Table 7: Gypsy and Traveller sample by Ethnicity
 0 10 20 30 40 50 60
 Scottish Traveller
 Roma
 Gypsy Mixed Heritage
 Irish Traveller Mixed Heritage
 New Traveller
 Irish Traveller
 Gypsy 54
 22
 5
 4
 4
 4
 2
 Gypsy and Traveller Sample by Ethnicity
Chapter Three - Research Methods 35
 Recruitment for Interview Sta and Data 
Collection
 The interviewer posts were advertised in the 
Guardian, ITMB website and a targeted mail 
shot. Interestingly, no members of the Gypsy 
community applied for these roles, but the TEIP 
employed two Irish Traveller interviewers. In 
addition, two non-Travellers were employed, 
who already had extensive experience of 
working with and interviewing Gypsies and 
Travellers (through policy and GTANA projects).
 The decision to seek community interviewers 
was grounded rstly in the philosophical 
underpinning to the TEIP and secondly on 
sound practice in relation to obtaining good 
quality results. In common with a number of 
practitioners who have worked with diverse 
communities (Gunaratnam, 2003) it is our 
experience that community interviewers can, 
in some circumstances, be more eective in 
gaining access to interviewees than ?outsider? 
researchers. Accordingly, their involvement 
provides added value to a project, and can also 
provide important cultural advice and guidance 
to the academic team as a project progresses. 
In addition, the employment of community 
interviewers is a clear declaration that a research 
project is striving to be inclusive and respectful 
of participants? worldview whilst enhancing 
community cohesion and trust between parties 
to the research.
 Previous research projects have used mixed 
teams of data gathers. An example of this is 
the Fordham survey for the London Gypsy and 
Traveller Accommodation Needs Assessment 
(Fordham, 2008). Such a mixed team (Gypsies/
 Travellers and members of other communities) 
allowed the development of a research team 
in which members learnt from each other and 
supported all aspects of the project, including 
data analysis. Mixed team dynamics were 
facilitated within the TEIP by a team training 
event that gave the data gatherers an overview 
of the project; how they could work eectively 
as a team and contribute fully to the project.
 Accessing the Sample and making contact with 
community members
 A number of access processes were used to 
obtain interviews. In particular, interviewees 
were contacted through:
 * Gatekeepers (interview facilitators ? often 
working with community groups or educational 
services)
 * ?Snowballing? (where one person who has been 
interviewed introduces another interviewee to 
the process)
 * Contact networks of interviewers (individuals 
already known to the interview team)
 * The TEIP team attending Stow Fair (where 
information about the project was provided to 
attendees of this traditional Horse Fair which 
takes place twice a year)
 * Placing advertisements in Traveller Times (the 
specialist journal by and for Travellers published 
several times a year)
 * Attending ITMB conference
 * Attending Advisory Council for the Education 
of Romanies and other Travellers (ACERT) and 
National Association of Teachers of Travellers 
(NATT) conferences
 In line with our ethical guidance, only 
adults were interviewed and anonymity was 
guaranteed for all interviewees enabling them 
to speak freely about experiences (for example 
of discrimination which they might not have 
wished to discuss if they knew their name 
would be in the public domain). Informed 
(written consent) was sought from interviewees 
prior to interview and information provided on 
the nature of the project as well as the ethical 
guidelines under which it was undertaken. The 
great majority of interviews were undertaken 
on a one-to-one basis and were conducted in 
the interviewees? homes, as it was felt that this 
would enhance the conversational nature of 
the interview by helping to put the interviewee 
at ease. A small number of interviews were 
conducted in other locations such as cafes 
or during breaks in conferences. On a few 
occasions family members/gatekeepers were 
present during the interview at the request of 
the respondent.
 Subject Inclusion Criteria
 The following inclusion/exclusion criteria 
were imposed to ensure appropriate ethical 
boundaries and to enable comparative analysis 
to be undertaken. All participants were required 
to:
Chapter Three - Research Methods 36
 * Be an Adult (over 18 years of age)
 * Be in waged employment or self-employed in 
a trade or
 * Be in training or education ? with the intention 
that such training/education would lead to work
 * Be identied as a member of the Gypsy/
 Traveller community
 Conversely, a subject exclusion criteria was also 
drawn up, ensuring that anyone interviewed:
 * Must not be a child
 * Pose any danger/threat to the interviewer
 * Vulnerability through age/disability/lack of 
capacity in terms of reasoning and/or ability to 
make an informed decision.
 Analysis
 All 95 tape recorded interviews were transcribed 
in full (every word which was said, was typed 
up to allow the research team to review the 
ndings more easily than if they had to listen to 
a tape on each occasion). As each tape averaged 
over an hour in length, the transcription process 
was extremely lengthy and collating the diverse 
themes, and analyzing a dataset of this size was 
a complex task. Analysis was facilitated by use 
of a specialist social science computer software 
programme called NVIVO. Once key phrases 
and themes are entered into the programme 
NVIVO can cluster data thematically and cross 
reference information such as occupation type, 
gender, age, length of education, etc. This 
enables the generation of multi-variety coding 
and can reveal complex relationships between 
traits and personal characteristics which can 
reveal the factors more likely to lead to ?success? 
within particular types of economic activity.
 A key aspect of secondary analysis involved 
the process of inviting interviewees to regional 
feedback sessions where they were given 
the opportunity to participate in the analysis 
through the process of commenting on and 
explaining core trends identied through 
NVIVO analysis. These comparative analytical 
processes led to continual renement and 
articulation of ndings (essentially using a 
modied ?grounded theory? process, see further 
May, 2001) wherein agreement was reached 
over key themes through partnership working 
involving community members; members of the 
steering group and research sta, supported by 
academic experts.
 Methodological Considerations: Coding 
Complexities
 A key issue for analytical purposes is the way in 
which ?coding? of data takes place. In particular, 
which measures were to be used to enable 
the team to measure economic ?inclusion? and 
?exclusion?. This is particularly relevant given 
that amongst some Gypsies and Travellers with 
whom we consulted (particularly those who 
are ?traditional?), measures of inclusion which 
related to cultural capital (see Chapter One) 
? for example high quality china/glass; self-
 ownership of a site with planning permission 
and ownership of traditional wagons/horses 
etc. were indicative of higher levels of social 
inclusion than ownership of a house (with 
mortgage); despite the fact that such evidence 
of material inclusion may in practice be worth 
less than some other ?mainstream? markers of 
?success?.
 At one stage in the research the TEIP team 
considered a mechanism to grade the material 
levels of success (ownership of property; levels 
of income, etc.) of the interviewees to assist in 
data analysis. Dierentiation between ?modest? 
and ?wealthy? could potentially have been 
achieved by asking interviewees to match 
their income to broad income bands as is 
common in ?mainstream? surveys and research 
into income generation/economic inclusion. A 
study of Hungarian Roma economic enterprises 
has successfully used this approach (Babusik, 
2004). However, cultural issues and sensitivities 
in working with British Gypsies and Travellers 
precluded such a direct approach. It was felt 
strongly by the advisory panel and ?experts? 
that interviewees would respond to such overt 
questions with some suspicion which would 
lead to a risk of failed interviews. This conclusion 
was supported by ndings from a number of 
GTANAs where interviewees in a number of 
cases were reluctant to answer such questions 
or research teams decided (in the light of expert 
advice) not to approach such topics directly.
Chapter Three - Research Methods 37
 Another  formula to assess wealth that was 
considered involved interviewers grouping 
interviewees into general income bands based 
on perceptions based on accommodation types 
and ownership of certain possessions such as 
vehicles and machinery. However, the TEIP team 
rejected this approach on philosophical and 
political grounds as it was considered that it 
was ethically objectionable for an interviewer 
to undertake a fundamentally important 
assessment based on subjective perception and 
without the explicit consent and involvement 
of the participant. In addition, a methodological 
object can be raised that anomalies and 
inaccuracies would ensue as a result of using 
a crude ?banding? system similar to the one 
outlined above. As a consequence of these 
discussions, the TEIP has adopted the ?Equalities 
Measurement Framework? (EMF) which has been 
developed for the Equality and Human Rights 
Commission and the Government Equalities 
Oce by a team based at the London School of 
Economics (EHRC, 2009).
 This broader measure not only permits 
consideration of economic inclusion but 
also considers wider issues such as access to 
opportunity, equality domains, availability 
of accommodation, educational attainment 
and social relationships. The breadth of this 
approach mirrors Bourdieu?s conceptualisations 
of a full intersectional range of cultural, 
economic, symbolic and social capitals in 
determining life chances (see further Chapter 
One).
Chapter Three - Research Methods 38
 The Equalities Measurement
 Framework (EMF)
 The EMF uses a list of 48 ?indicators? to cover 
a range of issues and consider whether 
individuals and groups have equality of access 
and outcomes within these domains. The 
measures include a range of fundamental 
issues including health status; ability to engage 
in lifelong learning; achieving an adequate 
standard of living; physical and legal security, 
and the right to self-expression. The EMF aims to 
monitor how people (as a group) are achieving; 
how they are treated by other members of 
society; and the level of choice and control 
they have in various aspects of their lives. 
The ten areas of life covered by the Equality 
Measurement Framework are:
 1. life
 2. health
 3. physical security
 4. legal security
 5. education and learning
 6. standard of living
 7. productive and valued activities
 8. individual, family and social life
 9. identity, expression and self-respect
 10. participation, inuence and voice.
 Data collected in the TEIP research was matched 
where possible against the above indices. The 
TEIP report then uses the general indicators of 
the EMF (for example access to education and 
learning or physical security, freedom from 
fear of eviction/violence) to evaluate, measure 
and identify concerns which exist for members 
of the Gypsy and Traveller community when 
considering ndings from survey materials. 
Thus, for example where it can be shown that 
Gypsies and Travellers who are educationally 
disadvantaged have a lower rate of ?economic 
success/inclusion? and that only by ?special 
measures? or positive action can they (as a 
general group) achieve on a similar level to 
other members of broader society, we identify 
this as a key action/discussion point which, 
if remedied, demonstrates compliance with 
suggested EMF frameworks and outcomes 
as well as oering a way to engage with the 
inequalities outlined in the rst EHRC triennial 
review, ?How Fair is Britain? (2010), which 
highlighted the extreme degree of exclusion 
experienced by Gypsies and Travellers.
 Methodological Reections and Learning 
Points
 Having undertaken this study, the research 
team have reected on lessons learnt within 
this project. One core element for amendment 
in similar research consists of the practical 
challenges inherent in seeking to use such 
broad-brush and ambitious measures of 
inequality. On mature reection the team 
believes that the questionnaire may have been 
unduly ambitious in attempting to capture a 
range of insights into a wide range of variables 
over and above economic activities (e.g. earlier 
experiences of education, accommodation
 issues and social networks etc.) The 
conversational style of interview in some cases 
meant the later parts of the interview could 
not be fully completed because interviewees 
had spoken at considerable length in the 
main body of the interview which focused on 
employment. By the time other topics had been 
reached some interviewees (particularly males) 
would wish to return to their personal activities, 
or needed to get back to work or dealing 
with other business activities. For women, 
the need to attend to children or domestic 
chores could be problematic if an interview 
was particularly lengthy. Participants of both 
genders sometimes found the length of the 
interview tiring after a day at work. Whilst the 
spread of interviews and work undertaken was 
fairly representative, the TEIP would have liked 
to have made more contact with interviewees 
engaged in the ?Traveller Economy?; in particular 
men working in this sector. On reection this 
could have been achieved by spending more 
time working with residents of particular sites 
or eecting a presence at more ?horse fairs? and 
thus developing informal contacts which could 
lead to interviews with harder to reach males 
engaged in ?traditional? work.
 At times (and in some locations) the TEIP 
team found it dicult to secure access when 
the interviewers were not known to the 
interviewees. This diculty is largely reective 
of the closed networks in some areas, and 
Chapter Three - Research Methods 39
 concerns relating to political and economic 
pressures in recent months. In future research 
projects, to minimise these problems, the TEIP 
would recommend considering contracting 
community groups to undertake interviews 
and data collection in their locality after receipt 
of training in conducting semi-structured and 
qualitative interviews. Not only would access 
issues be minimised but this would build further 
capacity amongst community groups.
 As interviewers were trained in exible 
interviewing techniques and encouraged to 
follow the ow of the interviews in a naturalistic 
manner, on occasion, some questions were not 
raised where considerable time was spent on 
particular topics, leading to diculties around 
comparison of themes or consistency of answer. 
The variations in working with ?open questions? 
meant that it was not always possible to classify 
responses into distinct groupings where sub-
 classications overlapped.
 As some respondents failed to answer certain 
questions (either through declining or as 
a result of the methodological diculties 
outlined above), or gave answers which were 
not relevant/applicable to the question under 
consideration, in certain cases responses were 
excluded from analysis.
 Accordingly, when representing responses to 
questions (illustrated through diagrams and 
charts) percentages are based on the number 
of interviewees who responded to a particular 
question rather than the total sample (although 
numbers/percentages of responses are clearly 
indicated within the text of each chapter).
 The ?core demographic/proling questions? 
in the survey e.g. age, gender, type of 
accommodation (see Appendix C.) were uniform 
enough to allow key sections of the data to be 
sorted and analysed using quantitative methods
 Whilst the TEIP academic team/advisors 
were impressed with the overall quality of 
interviews obtained by interviewers, semi-
 structured interviewing is a complex process 
and the ability to improvise eective follow on 
questions and ?probes? to expand on answers 
can be challenging, Such knowledge is a skill 
which develops over time and with experience. 
With hindsight two days should have been set 
aside for training in unstructured interviewing 
to assist the relatively inexperienced team. In 
practice, the lead researcher used ongoing 
monitoring of data /interview transcripts and 
deconstruction/ discussion over experiences 
of interviewing to provide further training and 
support for data gatherers, enabling them to 
develop their skills during the course of the 
project.
 The TEIP team hopes that other researchers will 
benet from the lessons learnt and successes 
achieved whilst using the research approach 
adopted during this research, in particular, those 
relating to the development of practitioner and 
community member skills through working on 
an action research project of this type.
 The clear and positive conclusion that can 
be drawn from the TEIP is that community 
involvement in research is an important 
component of inclusive research; ensuring that 
research is carried out ?with? and ?for? this group 
rather than ?on? Gypsies and Travellers. Whilst 
many Gypsy, Roma and Traveller organisations 
and community groups are currently at the 
beginning of a steep learning curve in terms 
of research experience; additional research 
experience and training will strengthen the role 
and input of Gypsies Roma and Travellers into 
research processes and ensure that research 
is always used as a benecial tool for change 
rather than an instrument of oppression.
40
 Part Two ? Findings Related to Work
 In this Section of the Report we present the 
ndings which relate specically to types of 
employment and experiences of the workplace.
 We have divided this section into the following 
Chapters. Chapter Four explores the ?traditional? 
Traveller Economy which is essentially a zone 
of self-employment; whilst in Chapter Five 
we explore ndings relating to Gypsies and 
Travellers experiences of waged employment, 
working in the informal economy and access to 
welfare. In Chapter Six we turn our attention to 
the new and growing eld of community based 
employment where Gypsies and Travellers work 
with and on behalf of their own communities. 
In the last chapter within this section (Seven) 
the ndings relating to the experiences of New 
Traveller and Roma interviewees are presented, 
enabling a consideration of dierent types of 
employment, experiences of access to work 
and comparisons of the circumstances of these 
communities to that of Irish Travellers and 
Gypsies.
 Within the following chapters where specic 
concerns are identied these are cross-
 referenced to relevant domains within the EHRC 
Equality Measurement Framework (EMF). In 
particular these consist of the following factors:
 Concerns
  * The decline of the Traveller Economy and 
irregular income derived from this mode of 
work 
* Increasing rates of employment in low waged 
work 
* High levels of localised unemployment 
* Long and unsociable hours in both the 
Traveller Economy and for those engaged in 
?Community Work? 
* Minimal health and safety provision and 
low levels of business support for individuals 
working in the Traveller Economy
  * Underage employment within the Traveller 
Economy. 
Related EMF domain
  The capability to enjoy a comfortable standard 
of living, with independence and security which 
is measured by the ability to:
  * enjoy an adequate and secure standard of 
living including nutrition, clothing, housing,
 warmth, social security, social services and 
utilities, and being cared for and supported 
when necessary 
* have control over personal spending The 
capability to engage in productive and valued 
activities measured in the following ways: 
* have a decent paid job, with support where 
necessary 
* have rest and leisure, including holidays, and 
respite from caring responsibilities 
* choose a balance between paid and unpaid 
work, care and leisure on an equal basis with 
others A number of related factors and EMF 
domains (e.g. accommodation, experiences 
of discrimination, educational and training 
opportunities which limit employment options) 
were found to have a clear impact on the quality 
of work experiences, standard of living and 
human rights of the interviewees. These are 
referred to separately within the Chapters in 
Part 3 of this report.
41
 Table 8 below displays categories of 
employment for all participants in the TEIP 
study. Chapters 4-7 explore the ?types? of work 
and activities of respondents in more detail.
 Table 8: Employment Status of participants in the TEIP study
 0% 5% 10% 15% 20% 25%
 Mix/ Other
 Not Applicable
 Social Enterprise/ Professional
 Waged Unskilled
 Self-empolye skilled
 Waged Semi-skilled
 Waged Proesional
 Self-employed Semi-skilled
 Self-employed Unskilled
 Waged Skilled 23.26%
 13.95%
 12.95%
 12.73%
 11.63%
 8.14%
 6.98%
 4.65
 3.49%
 2.33%
 Current or Most Recent Work Type
Chapter Four
 The Traveller Economy: Traditional Work Practices and Adaptation
Chapter Four - The ?Traveller Economy? Traditional Work Practices and Adaptation 43
 Chapter Four
 The Traveller Economy: Traditional 
Work Practices and Adaptation
 Introduction
 For Gypsies and Travellers, as with other 
groups in society, ?work? is a key determiner of 
material well-being, identity and self-esteem. 
Traditionally, for Gypsies and Travellers, work 
goes to the heart of their identity, with a 
series of economic practices and activities 
especially attuned to Gypsy and Traveller 
lifestyles (See Chapter One). The Traveller 
tradition of working as a family unit and 
utilising kin networks to gather information on 
potential work opportunities and the sharing 
of labour and tools has strengthened family 
and social networks. In this way, members of 
these communities engaged in traditional 
working practices have utilised community 
social capital by enhancing the economic 
value of existing social networks in a manner 
identied as particularly eective in reducing 
transaction costs and time and increasing 
protability (Halpern, 2007: 44). This mode of 
self-employment has the additional value of 
allowing Gypsies and Travellers to carefully 
regulate relations and interaction with the wider 
community, whilst also regulating potential 
cultural change (Clark and Greenelds, 2006) 
in a manner which is particularly important to 
more ?conservative? community members (see 
further Chapter One). The centrality of work in 
Gypsy and Traveller identity management is 
captured in the following quote from one of the 
interviewees:
 ?For us work is more than just a job, it?s our way of 
life; it?s who we are? (G M 51-60).
 The interviews undertaken within the study 
reveal that for a large number of those 
interviewed, change in terms of economic 
activity has been rapid and profound in recent 
years, leading to dislocation of traditional 
patterns and the risk of impoverishment for 
families and individuals who are unable to 
adapt to new circumstances. The great majority 
of the interviewees? parents were engaged in 
the traditional ?Traveller Economy?, for whom 
trades such as scrap dealing, hawking and
 agricultural work predominated. Over the past 
thirty years these forms of ?Traveller economic 
activities? have given way to market trading, 
building and landscape gardening. Although 
these are a dierent set of occupations, the skills 
sets and nature of the jobs are similar to those 
they have gradually replaced.
 The common thread is that many Gypsy and 
Traveller interviewees, in common with their 
parents and grandparents, have remained 
self-employed in occupations where they 
have received little formal training. In the past, 
community members would occasionally 
enter into waged employment e.g. factories 
and construction teams (mainly providing un 
and semi-skilled labour). However, this sort of 
employment was typically for a short period as 
a stop gap during economic lulls experienced 
by those working in the traditional Traveller 
Economy. Only in the last ten years have a 
greater proportion of the community used 
waged labour as their economic mainstay (see 
Chapter 5).
 Interviewees of all ages and working in a wide 
variety of employment types made reference 
to the hardships of ?traditional? work either 
they or their families had undertaken in the 
past. Typically such work involved working 
outside in all weather conditions, having to 
work as a family unit (bringing both benets 
and problems if pay was poor or illness struck 
family members) and in many cases involving 
the employment of children working similar 
hours to adults. All too often such traditional 
?Traveller Economy? work was conducted for 
a low rate of remuneration, frequently o-set 
against the ability to stop? on agricultural land 
for the duration of a job, and with the benet 
of access to fresh vegetables or newly caught 
rabbits whilst living on farmland etc. Despite the 
hardships of such work, many of these working 
experiences were looked upon with nostalgia 
by respondents:
 ?We?ve had some bad times when my father was 
struggling to get bread money, in the winter 
months is the worst time to get a living, short 
days like we?ve got now and not a lot happening. 
We are in the credit crunch. Now people were in a 
credit crunch everyday when I was a child and my 
mother and father used to worry about feeding 
their family. If they could go out for a day to earn 
enough money to put bread on the table that 
would be all they were concerned with - to feed 
their family, and in the better times, coming the 
longer nights from February we would be on the 
road to go somewhere to do something better.
Chapter Four - The ?Traveller Economy? Traditional Work Practices and Adaptation 44
  We never had no bad times it was happy times. 
We were a happy family? (G M 61-70).
 In the survey, only one of the G/IT sample now 
worked primarily in agriculture. This gure 
compares dramatically to the 1970s (and 
previous decades) as approximately eighty 
percent of
 interviewees stated that their parents had 
worked solely in agriculture or undertaking 
such work in conjunction with other traditional 
Traveller economic activities such as scrap metal 
and ?dealing?. This decline in such work practices 
demonstrates starkly the dramatic rate of 
change that has taken place in recent years.
 In the past Gypsies and Travellers enjoyed a 
symbiotic relationship with farmers. The farmers 
were provided with an adaptable, cheap and 
short term labour force skilled in agriculture and 
accustomed to hard physical labour. In return 
Gypsies and Travellers were able to maintain 
wide and extensive kin networks by spending 
part of the year visiting and working with family 
and community. They were also able to sustain 
nomadic lifestyles through obtaining the 
farmers? agreement to stop temporarily on their 
land (Acton, 1974).
 It is therefore not surprising that the interviews 
reveal a corresponding steep decline in 
agricultural employment correlating to 
signicantly lower rates of nomadism. Whilst a 
large majority of the interviewees aged over 30 
record their parents as having been nomadic or 
semi-nomadic in their youth (with parents often 
having been ?born on the road), and indeed 
respondents had often ?travelled? extensively 
with their family in their youth, few amongst the 
younger interviewees referred to their parents 
practicing nomadic lifestyles or experiencing 
it themselves. Only one of the interviewees 
who worked in the ?Traveller Economy? was still 
primarily nomadic (See further Chapter 8 which 
explores the impact of accommodation issues 
on economic activities).
 In view of the historically close relationship 
that existed between the farming community 
and Gypsies and Travellers, it is not surprising 
that the report by the National Farmers? Union 
?Rural Outlaws? (2003) caused much anger to 
those who recall the contribution of Gypsies 
and Travellers to the rural economy (FFT, 
2003). The report, which has been critiqued 
on methodological grounds, (Richardson and 
Ryder, 2010) with particular
 disputes over use of data claims of excessively 
exaggerated estimates of the cost to farmers 
of unauthorised encampments by Gypsies and 
Travellers, which, it was alleged were costing 
farmers 100 million pounds a year (NFU, 2003). 
The publication of this report characterises the 
sharp breakdown in the community networks 
and economic relationships which historically 
bound together Gypsies and Travellers and 
the wider community, in rural locations. This 
changing dynamic has occurred in tandem with 
increasing large-scale farming by consortiums 
and ?agri-barons? who do not have a personal 
relationship with traveling families who would 
once have returned to a particular farm on an 
annual basis and who are driven more by a cash 
nexus than connection to particular localities. 
The impact of these trends and the increase 
in competition for employment with migrant 
labour gangs has led to profound economic 
change for Gypsy and Traveller communities. 
The scale of change and dislocation in 
the economic experiences of many of the 
interviewees has been so great that it can be 
argued that the changes have been as profound 
as those which had occurred for working 
class communities engaged in traditional 
heavy industries. Gypsies and Travellers, in 
common with their dispossessed working 
class counterparts in de-industrialised areas, 
have suered profoundly from the absence of 
coordinated interventions. However, public 
and governmental concern for the plight of 
Gypsies and Travellers experiencing economic 
dislocation has been even less pronounced than 
for those in declining heavy industrial areas.
 Having set the scene for the changing 
employment climate facing those engaged 
in ?traditional? trades, the remainder of the 
chapter describes the remaining economic 
activities in the Traveller Economy existing 
today and explores both the experiences of 
individuals forced into less ?desired? work as well 
as examining how some families have managed 
to overcome the challenges of rapid economic 
change to achieve economic stability against all 
odds.
 The Traveller Economy in Present Times
 There has been a sharp decline in the ?Traveller 
Economy? in recent decades
 Approximately forty percent of the G/IT sample 
(33 interviewees) worked in the ?Traveller 
Economy? (following traditional occupations). 
Chapter Four - The ?Traveller Economy? Traditional Work Practices and Adaptation 45
 This compares to the 80 percent of interviewees 
who stated that their fathers worked primarily 
in the traditional Traveller Economy and 56 
percent who cited their mothers as being 
engaged in the traditional Traveller Economy 
(with a further 19 percent saying that their 
mothers were engaged solely in domestic 
duties which supported the family during 
the father?s absence at work). This decline 
suggests a marked shift away from traditional 
economic activity as greater numbers of Gypsies 
and Travellers enter the waged economy as 
a result of changing gender roles, access to 
accommodation and altering work patterns 
(Cemlyn et al 2009). Table 8 (below) outlines the 
various trades identied by interviewees who 
worked in the Traveller Economy:
 Table 9 ? ?Traditional Traveller Economy? 
occupations followed by interviewees
 Remarkably in the light of the changes 
discussed above, work within the Traveller 
Economy continues to display traditional traits, 
most notably exible employment patterns and 
an expectation of versatility, as reected in the 
statement below:
 ?Well, I haven?t got a single occupation, I haven?t 
got a career. I just do whatever we?ve got to do. 
Like I say it?s all to do with work and trade. All 
through my life I?ve always bought and sold 
things and selling things or buying and selling 
to the public and calling and I?ve always done 
building work.  Sometimes I?ve just done building, 
sometimes I?ve just traded? (G M 41-50).
 Kin networks form an important asset (social 
capital) within the Traveller Economy
 For those working in ?traditional? trades such as 
gardening, tarmacing, drive laying, etc. kin and 
ethnic based networks ensure that a wide range 
of skills and use of shared (often expensive) 
tools can be brought together to complete a 
project on time and within budget. For example, 
in construction projects:
 ?I can?t do it all the time (a work project), but I 
know where I can get a man to do it. Yes, we?re 
logistics specialists. I haven?t been in the army
 or anything, but it?s just putting it together, isn?t 
it? If you are on a job there are some people you 
wouldn?t let run a tap, but there are some people 
who are ecient, are on time and reliable? (G M 
41-50).
 Interviewees working in traditional economic 
activities repeatedly stated their belief in the 
superiority of the Traveller Economy mode 
of employment over ?regular? waged work. 
Versatility and self-employment were therefore 
prized attributes and equated in the minds of 
respondents to Gypsy and Traveller identity, 
representing ?authenticity? and possession of 
?cultural capital? (see Chapter One):
 ?I think Travellers and Gypsies they are doing their 
own things and they just have their own ideas and 
they are very creative. They are always thinking of 
new things and they always pick up on things and 
they are doing it themselves? (G F 51-60).
 ?[The Traveller Economy] ..It?s brilliant, I wouldn?t 
swap it. It?s a nightmare someone telling you what 
to do from 7 in the morning to 7 at night. I did 
that for 12 months and that was to avoid the dole, 
I?ve never been a scrounger and didn?t want to go 
down that road. After a year though there was no 
one more relieved than me to nish the job and I 
threw their bleeper at them when I left? (G M 51-
 60).
 The Traveller Economy places an emphasis on 
informal family-based ?on the job? training and 
use of practical skills
 In the Traveller Economy education is rarely 
considered a prerequisite for economic success. 
Informal learning (particularly gained through 
working with family members) and practical 
skills are often more highly prized. It should be 
noted that amongst interviewees engaged in 
the Traveller Economy, one quarter had received 
no or very little formal education. Whilst nearly 
two thirds of interviewees had received some 
education, this was mainly at primary school 
level and thus the overwhelming majority of 
Trade No.
 Markets/ Retail 9
 Construction 6
 Gardening/ Landscaping 6
 Scrap 5
 Agriculture 3
 Culture/ Handicrafts 4
Chapter Four - The ?Traveller Economy? Traditional Work Practices and Adaptation 46
 these respondents had no formal qualications 
despite frequently being highly skilled. Only 
six interviewees working within the traditional 
Traveller Economy had gained any vocational 
qualications (e.g. City and Guilds certicates 
in practical skills) and none had academic 
qualications. However, this limited educational 
engagement was not regarded as a handicap 
by families and individuals involved in these 
traditional types of work:
 ?I don?t think better education is the answer. Some 
Gypsies can?t read or write, but I think they have a 
lot more experience of everyday life and practical 
knowledge than the wider community? (G F 51-
 60).
 ?Well generally - like with the tarmacking - I did it 
from the age of 14 and if you are short of money 
and the job is there you just go and do the job. 
I?d like to know how many people have got a 
degree in dropping hardcore. If you can drop it 
right the rst time you can do it a second time and 
if you make a mistake you can clear o and do 
something else? (G M 51-60.)
 A number of studies note that few Gypsies and 
Travellers access and benet from business 
support (CRE, 2004; GTANAs reviewed and 
summarized in Appendix B). Whilst this lack of 
involvement with such services may stem from 
business support providers failing to reach this 
group, it is also possible that there is reluctance 
amongst those working in the Traveller 
Economy to accept such guidance (Cemlyn et 
al, 2010). The sense that there was no need for 
such formalised, bureaucratic involvement and 
reluctance to use such services was revealed in 
several TEIP interviews:
 ?I don?t need that [business advice and support] 
because Gypsies don?t like being under authority. 
I?m not saying we don?t like being under law, 
authority and law is two dierent shapes. Under 
authority means that you are told you must do 
this? (G M 51-60)
 Women are more likely than men to move away 
from the Traveller Economy into waged labour
 Amongst interviewees working in the traditional 
Traveller economy there is a continued desire 
to work in such roles and considerable self-
 belief in the value of these types of work 
patterns. The vibrancy and preference for such 
types of employment is testied to by the fact 
that a signicant number of the interviewers 
were either engaged in such work or desired 
to work in such a way. However, there is an 
interesting gender dimension to employment 
preferences with males more likely to identify 
the desirability of self-employment and kin-
 group working patterns. In contrast, women 
appear to be increasingly entering into new 
economic activities (See further the section on 
?waged employment? within Chapter 5). This 
move towards less-traditional, more mainstream 
types of working practice reects the ndings 
of other studies (Cemlyn et al 2009). Indeed 
a relatively small number of women below 
the age of 30 (approximately a quarter of the 
women sampled) were engaged in traditional 
forms of Traveller employment and in many 
cases their role was that of a home-maker 
whose contribution to the Traveller economy 
was supporting their husband and family 
through maintaining the household .
 Overall the ndings from the TEIP suggest 
that whilst self-employment was the norm 
amongst Gypsies and Travellers in previous 
decades, this trend is now changing fairly 
rapidly albeit that ?traditional? employment is 
still often regarded as a norm to be aspired 
to. A study in the East of England which 
interviewed young Gypsies and Travellers 
found over half aspired to self-employment 
(Bowers, 2004), yet even these ndings indicates 
that a sizeable number of young people were 
actively considering employment in other 
sectors, perhaps in recognition of the fact 
that it was decreasingly possible to obtain 
adequate work in the Traveller economy, and 
hence waged employment was a responsive, 
logical step to the changing circumstances. 
This proposal is supported by review of GTANAs 
which also suggest a movement away from 
the Traveller Economy by younger generations 
(See Appendix B). Accordingly, given the core 
value placed upon ?traditional? work and the 
way in which this intersects with authenticity 
and identity the inter-generational transition 
indicates a process of change in the work-
 related cultural identity of many Gypsies and 
Travellers, a point that is developed further 
within this report in Chapter 10.
Chapter Four - The ?Traveller Economy? Traditional Work Practices and Adaptation 47
 Barriers to Working in Traditional Ways
 Restrictions on ?calling? are causing problems 
within the Traveller Economy
 Despite the popularity of the sector, interview 
data evidences some movement away from 
the Traveller Economy (particularly amongst 
women) and a growing sense of despondency 
about the long-term future of traditional 
working patterns. A number of factors appear 
to account for interviewees choosing to 
gain employment outside of the Traveller 
Economy or demonstrating decreasing levels 
of condence in its viability. Interviewees 
frequently cited concerns about the restrictions 
on and campaigns against ?cold calling? (or 
knocking on doors to gain work particularly 
involving gardening, roong, or laying drives).
 Despite considerable public debate around the 
practice and frequent media stories about poor 
(and even fraudulent) practice by people who 
?cold call? to seek work, in the UK there is no law 
to prevent such activities (House of Commons
 Library, 2010). However, in order to protect 
customers, howsoever they obtain services, 
the Consumer Protection from Unfair Trading 
Regulations 2008 (CPRs) makes it an oence 
?for traders to treat consumers unfairly through 
misleading actions, misleading omissions or 
aggressive practices? and states that, where a 
contract is agreed, the trader must allow for a 
7 day ?cooling o? period when the transaction 
is valued at over thirty ve pounds, during 
which time the consumer has the right to cancel 
the contract. Whilst it is right that consumers 
(particularly vulnerable or older people) should 
have the ability to be protected from aggressive 
or fraudulent traders, the increasing regulation 
and suspicion towards such activities have 
created some special diculties for Gypsy and 
Traveller communities where ?calling? has been 
the accepted way of obtaining employment 
within the Traveller Economy. In some 
neighbourhoods local people have established 
?no cold calling zones? where residents work 
with their local authority, Trading Standards 
Oce and the police to prevent ?cold calling?. 
Regrettably, some interviewees claim that these 
new restrictions have led to police and trading 
standards ocers harassing legitimate Gypsy 
and Traveller business people who secure work 
from doorstep calling. In a number of cases it 
was alleged these agencies were able to take 
advantage of Gypsies? and Travellers? lack of 
understanding of the law to deter them from 
trading even when they were operating within 
the law. Particular diculties were reported 
around understanding of, and compliance with, 
The National ?Doorstep? Cold Calling Protocol 
which states that the trader should provide the 
consumer with identication, publicity materials 
and a landline number to check. The protocol 
states:
 ?The organisation will provide a landline 
telephone number, preferably free phone, to 
facilitate employee bona-de checks. This 
telephone number must be a direct line to a 
person/people and not utilise automated call 
management systems. Where possible this 
number should also be listed in the public 
telephone directory and other company 
advertising material.?
 For some small Traveller traders with little 
formal education the precise processes that a 
trader has to enter into to engage in ?calling? 
can be daunting, especially as little support and 
assistance has been provided in many areas 
to help these traders conform to regulations. 
In particular, some small traders will not have 
had the capacity to conform with requirements 
which are needed to ensure that company 
advertising materials exist, and many do not 
have a landline number for the consumer to 
contact (as required by regulations), especially 
where the trader is fully nomadic.
 The expediential growth in ?no cold calling? 
zones has increased the diculties in obtaining 
employment ?on the knock?. In 2007 the 
consumer magazine ?Which? estimated there 
were 1000 such zones, covering 100,000 
households in Britain (Which? 30th August 
2007). In an article on this topic, Richard Berry, 
Director of the Direct Selling Association, said:
 ?These zones have no legal authority and serve 
only to alarm and worry legitimate traders who 
call, like Avon ladies. These are totally unfair 
restrictions on human rights? (Which? 30th August 
2007).
 The TEIP found a third of the interviewees 
engaged in the Traveller Economy reported 
signicant concerns about ?cold calling? 
restrictions and the impact on their livelihoods. 
The lengthy extract from the interview below, 
reveals the negative perceptions that many 
Gypsies and Travellers have about the treatment 
of, and public attitude towards, doorstep 
traders:
Chapter Four - The ?Traveller Economy? Traditional Work Practices and Adaptation 48
 ?What?s killing the Travellers work in a big way is 
the stopping of cold calling you know it is illegal to 
knock on the door. Travellers are always earning 
their living by knocking on the door. They put out 
the leaets. They are not allowed to put out the 
leaets now, if you knock on the door you can be 
arrested for hawking. You need a license to do all 
these things.
 Most Travellers aren?t settled so they haven?t 
got a permanent address to get the license. 
They put everything in their way to say these 
Travellers can?t work. It is like they are trying 
their hardest to nd ways to put Travellers out 
of business and what is going to happen is you 
are going to have thieves because they?ve got 
to feed their children. That?s why they go on 
benets and that?s why they go out and start 
stealing.
 Every time when you go out there and you are 
trying your hardest to get a job, someone brings 
a new law so you can?t do this and you can?t do 
that. That is the only way of life for Travellers. They 
are trying to get into proper jobs but how can you 
get a proper job on the side of the road if you?ve 
got to move everything in 24 hours? How are you 
supposed to make it into work every day when you 
get a knock on your door in the middle of the night
 ?can you come and move because the police are 
here?. Every single time when Travellers try harder 
they [authorities] are quicker and they nd a new 
law to stop that.? (G F 31-40)
 The TEIP believe that with adequate good 
will, constructive partnerships can be forged 
between Trading Standards Ocers and Gypsy 
and Traveller business people to increase 
community awareness of restrictions and 
good practice approaches to ?cold calling?. We 
have been notied of particular examples 
of ?good practice? such as Trading Standards 
Ocers in certain localities working in close 
partnership with traders to ensure that they 
are aware of restrictions and their rights. A 
further example of good practice was proled 
by the Traveller Times Online which featured 
a Gypsy businessman who had joined a ?buy 
with condence scheme?, which is a list of 
traders approved by bodies such as the Trading 
Standards Oce. Potential customers could 
thus look up his listing and see that he had 
been approved as following good practice 
and delivering an excellent service (Traveller 
Times Online, (accessed August 2010). Further 
examples of ?good practice? which have the 
potential to be replicated across the country to 
assist in strengthening the ?Traveller Economy? 
are detailed in Chapter 12.
 Traveller Traders are suering from a lack of 
accessible information on restrictions on calling
 Whilst the regulations are relatively complex in 
relation to ?cold calling? signicant confusion was 
found to exist in relation to the current legal 
status of such activities. The TEIP found that 
some interviewees believed that ?calling? is now 
completely illegal and did not grasp that visiting 
homes and seeking to gain work through the 
circulation of literature is still allowed. This 
suggests that a number of Traveller traders do 
not fully understand the regulations, in part as a 
consequence of the fact that Trading Standards 
have not mounted a targeted information 
campaign on the regulations for Gypsies and 
Travellers which is accessible to people with 
limited literacy skills.
 Despite this general lack of information 
dissemination to the community most likely to 
engage in such practices, it should be noted 
that one very important and commendable 
recent development has involved the 
Department for Business, Industry and 
Skills working in partnership with the Gypsy 
campaigner Joe Jones from Canterbury to 
develop a DVD to make Gypsies and Travellers 
aware of trading restrictions. This is an 
important initiative that can be built upon 
through widespread dissemination of the DVD 
and the development of materials in other 
localities.
 The Traveller Economy can be physically 
demanding impacting on health and the 
duration of working life
 Whilst Gypsies and Travellers working in the 
Traveller economy were proud of their strong 
work ethic, self-employed status and capacity 
to work long hours, the TEIP found that such 
punishing work regimes left very little time for 
leisure and relaxation or time spent with the 
family:
 ?I worked 12 ? 14 hours a day. I would get up at 
the crack of dawn while the family were sleeping 
and get back at 8/9 o?clock in the evening and they 
were asleep when I got home, I missed out on a lot 
with my family? (G M 61-70).
 Some of the activities within the traditional 
Traveller Economy remain physically exacting 
and potentially dangerous. Whilst in many 
Chapter Four - The ?Traveller Economy? Traditional Work Practices and Adaptation 49
 ways this is a by-product of the long hours 
often associated with manual labour which 
is a feature of this type of work, greater risk 
occurs partly because of the self-employed 
nature of the work and partly due to the fact 
that many Travellers have not had formal 
training in moving, carrying and safe use of 
tools. TEIP found that few of the interviewees 
had had health and safety training. A number 
of the older interviewees suered signicant 
health problems in later life with arthritis, 
joint problems and bad backs because of the 
physical demands of labour they had carried 
out when younger, a nding which is common 
to numerous GTANAs reviewed in Appendix B 
and often cited in reports on the health status 
of Gypsy and Traveller communities (see further 
Cemlyn et, al, 2009; Matthews, 2008). Inevitably 
the impacts of many years of manual work have 
the tendency to limit (predominantly male) 
Gypsies and Travellers? years of working life. 
With a range of limited skills other than in their 
preferred trade, or poor literacy, it is unusual for 
Gypsies and Travellers working in the traditional 
economy to be able to seek alternative 
employment if their health fails, forcing them 
into dependency on welfare benets.
 In light of the limited knowledge on appropriate 
lifting, carrying or health and safety training 
TEIP suggests that targeted specialist training 
may diminish some of these health problems 
and raise health standards amongst men 
involved in the traditional economy. There 
may also be scope for a targeted campaign 
of awareness raising (perhaps through the 
production of DVDs or specialist advice stalls at 
horse fairs) through the auspices of the Health 
and Safety Executive.
 Financial Instability is common within the 
Traveller Economy
 The variability of income for families engaged 
in the Traveller Economy was regarded by 
some as a signicant drawback to working in 
this way. Inevitably there were periods of time 
when work could tail o, for example during 
the winter, or longer-term, such as during 
the current recession. For others however the 
versatility of the Traveller Economy meant 
that they could readily develop a new trade 
or resume an old one if the demand for one of 
their services decreased:
 ?I got married when I was 17 and I?ve been working 
since I was 15. I?ve done tarmacking for at least 
7 years. 1 week we were tarmacking, week after 
that we could be doing a roof, week after that we 
could be building a barn or re-sheeting a barn, 
week after that I was probably moving a load of 
scrap. It was whatever needed to be done that 
week would be done. Then any jobs I had booked 
in advance we would seem to work around them. 
If in 3 months? time I had a big roong job to do I 
?d try and get some work to build up to that and to 
build o that? (G M 31-40).
 ?I?ve been brought up my whole life and what?s 
been drilled into me is be diverse, so that?s 
why in my current job I do four trades running 
simultaneously because as one trend dips another 
one arises and if all four dipped then I would sell 
burgers on the beach? (G M 41-50).
 The above quotations illustrate the importance 
of versatility and exibility to success within the
 Traveller Economy. Interviewees were quick to 
note that economic adaptation is easiest when 
operating in small business activities that only 
require limited resources and organisation, or 
when groups of relatives are working together 
to share materials and other resources or skills. 
However, given the resource demands of some 
activities such as landscape gardening, which 
can require signicant nancial outlay on 
equipment and not inconsiderable eorts to 
conform to current business regulations, quick 
and painless adaptability may not be so easy 
for people working in some elds. In support of 
this supposition the TEIP found evidence that 
bureaucratic hurdles meant economic versatility 
was harder to maintain for individuals in certain 
sectors of the traditional economy.
 There is a lack of targeted business support for 
Gypsies Roma and Travellers
 A number of Gypsy and Traveller males who 
had worked with their fathers to learn specialist 
skills eventually took over well established 
businesses with established client networks. 
For these individuals being able to draw upon 
the advice of their semi-retired parent proved 
an additional source of business knowledge, 
but simultaneously could act as a barrier to 
engaging with external sources of advice:
 ?Business advice would work but a lot of Travellers 
they don?t want advice they just think ?I know what 
I have to do?. I?ve had 20 years experience myself 
- what do I need advice for? A lot of the younger 
lads today they don?t have to do anything, their 
dad does everything they just sit and relax because 
Chapter Four - The ?Traveller Economy? Traditional Work Practices and Adaptation 50
 they just follow their dad?s business and it is ready 
for them? (G M 21-30)
 However, although such parental advice and 
support had proven invaluable in previous 
decades, the advice and guidance of older 
retired and semi-retired Gypsy and Traveller 
businessmen is not always as adept as in 
the past at helping to surmount challenges 
especially when these are centered on the 
greater formalisation and regulation of business 
and adoption of modern methods.
 Very few of the self-employed G/IT sample had 
received business advice (10 percent of G/IT 
sample) and none at all mentioned Business 
Links, a localised business support service 
supported by the Government and theoretically 
available to all sectors of the community. This 
gure is signicantly lower than the 50 percent 
of (general) ethnic minority business people 
who seek support and advice, a gure which 
is itself, considered low when compared to 
mainstream ?majority? businesses (Whitehead et 
al, 2006). In the case of some older interviewees, 
the TEIP found that they were reluctant to 
take advice, regarding this as contrary to their 
culturally preferred mode of practice, and 
gender expectations, instead preferring ?learn as 
you go along? approaches:
 ?The only skill you can learn in the antique fairs if 
you buy something and lose on it you make sure 
you won?t do the same thing for the second time. 
It?s the only way how you can learn. There is only 
one way to learn about any business in the world 
buy something and lose on it and if you stick your 
nger into the re you won?t do it the second time? 
(IT M 71-80)
 However, these ?trial and error? adaptive 
approaches have the potential to be precarious, 
costly and inecient. A number of interviewees 
reported that they would welcome business 
support and there was considerable interest 
in obtaining information on how to operate as 
a sole trader or registered company. Many of 
the self-employed Travellers with small scale 
business operations worked as sole traders. 
According to Business Links, becoming a sole 
trader is the simplest way to run a trade as it 
does not involve paying any registration fees 
and is simpler than setting up a company 
(Business Link website). However, although 
Business Links have regional oces their 
prime means of support is via the internet and 
through telephone operators which Gypsies 
and Travellers are probably less likely to access.
 The TEIP identied evidence that Business 
Links have not considered how eective the 
support oered to Gypsies and Travellers is 
in meeting their needs, as none of the nine 
regional Business Links oces contacted were 
able to inform the team that they had paid any 
attention to Gypsies? and Travellers? specic 
needs.
 The TEIP would therefore recommend that 
agencies such as Business Links may wish 
to explore developing greater contact with 
Gypsies and Travellers through establishing 
?enterprise coaches? who can provide targeted 
support to Gypsy and Traveller community 
groups. Such an initiative would also increase 
levels of engagement with the communities 
and allow Business Links? knowledge of Gypsy 
and Traveller employment related needs to 
increase.
 Regional Development Agencies (RDA) have 
an important role in the development of local 
Business Links and economic support at a 
regional level. TEIP contacted (via email and 
letters) all nine English RDAs and none were 
aware of any targeted work for members of 
these communities. A search of RDA websites 
revealed limited reference to Gypsies Roma 
and Travellers within their documents or 
resources. RDAs in the South East, South West 
and North West do make some limited reference 
in Equality Schemes/Race Strategies and the 
East of England has similarly made passing 
comments on these communities within their 
business plans and board meetings but in no 
great depth, despite the fact that Gypsies and 
Travellers are the largest minority group in the 
East of England region.
 Unsurprisingly, the great majority of individuals 
engaged in the traditional Traveller Economy 
were unaware of the business support they 
were entitled to access. This may in part be a 
reection of the fact that there are virtually no 
?enterprise coaches?, (who give local advice and 
direct support to small businesses) in England 
working specically with Gypsies and Travellers. 
It is worth highlighting that whilst one 
interviewee noted there was a business coach 
from the Traveller community in their area, there 
was a general lack of awareness and use of such 
services at a regional or national level:
Chapter Four - The ?Traveller Economy? Traditional Work Practices and Adaptation 51
 ?There is not a lot of information and they are not 
aware of a lot of things. We have an enterprise 
coach [from the Traveller community] and she 
helps people and gives them advice to help set up 
their own businesses. The Travellers around here 
know about it because obviously she is advertising 
to them but Travellers across the country don?t 
know about these things. No one is going out 
there and saying we?ve got this service, and you 
can access this service for free? (G F under 21).
 A lack of skills and training opportunities limits 
economic growth in traditional employment 
elds
 Some Gypsy and Traveller business people 
reported that they were unable to develop their 
businesses further because of a skills gap. For 
some a reluctance to take external advice and 
support (perhaps related to cultural or gender 
expectations) compounded these diculties. A 
failure to conform to regulations with negative 
impacts on business development was often 
aggravated by illiteracy. A lack of formal training 
in business practices could also cause diculties 
for some respondents leading to a danger of 
exploitation or ?boom and bust? cycles:
 ?It?s a generational thing a lot more Travellers are 
supposed to stand up for their rights but
 I?m not sure how many my age are willing to do 
what I do. Some who got the right education leave 
the community. This will sound wrong but a lot of 
the regular Joes out there have no ambition, they 
don?t want to change, because they are frightened 
of change. We?ve lost what we did have and don?t 
know how to reach out and grab new skills so 
we?re like headless chickens, we?re running around, 
trying to get what we did have? (G M 51-60).
 ?My waste disposal rm was getting out of hand 
it was getting too big for my brain; it went as far 
as it could go. I could manage three men and 
three lorries but I didn?t want any more it was just 
getting out of hand and I thought it was time to 
get out?. I know other Gypsy men who have got 
to that stage very big ways today and then on the 
other hand I know one particular Gypsy rm that 
got that big that they amalgamated with other 
big concerns and overnight it went bang, they?ve 
lost everything and they didn?t know which way to 
turn afterwards? (G M 61-70).
 With support, some Gypsy Traveller business 
people are successfully adapting to new 
regulations.
 In contrast, (particularly for family members 
working in partnership, or where greater 
exibility exists) signs of adaptation to new 
economic regulations can be identied. In 
particular there is a growing trend amongst 
some small businessmen to employ accountants 
to take care of their nancial aairs. In a number 
of cases the wives (or daughters) of Traveller 
traders, who had accessed greater levels of 
education than their spouses/parents, were 
mastering book-keeping and associated skills to 
ensure that the family business operated within 
the law and was able to take advantage of 
grants or business development opportunities:
 ?... there is a big push for the younger ones who are 
actually making sure that they are doing things 
the right way, getting registered and
 doing all the tax and everything. They go out 
and earn an honest wage, it is just doing the 
paperwork behind it and making sure that 
everything is accountable in what they are doing. 
Most of them actually have an accountant. The 
ones who are well into business and looking at 
managing their own business they all have a paid 
accountant and others then that would be their 
wives who would actually be doing the paperwork 
for them? (Connexions Advisor).
 Some Gypsy and Traveller business people are 
contracted to undertake traditional work by 
larger rms
 A number of self-employed Gypsy and Traveller 
business men reported that at times they 
were contracted by larger rms to undertake 
their traditional trades, providing them with 
greater economic stability. Such contracts with 
larger rms could be particularly benecial to 
skilled tradesmen working in this way, enabling 
them to access advice and support on tax and 
national insurance matters, as well as providing 
support through drafting and negotiating 
contracts. Such arrangements were especially 
common in construction:
 ?I stayed on the farm till I was 19 and then decided 
to do things on my own and did a bit of calling 
until I was 21. I was paying my way, never going be 
a millionaire but never sponged o the state and 
have never done so in my life. At 21 I eloped with 
the wife and started working for large building 
rms and did regular work 7?5 stayed in that for a 
few years and then was subcontracted to do work 
and was self-employed on building sites, that?s 
where I worked for most of my life and made my 
money? (G M 51-60).
Chapter Four - The ?Traveller Economy? Traditional Work Practices and Adaptation 52
 The majority of Gypsies Roma and Travellers 
respondents suer from nancial exclusion 
(poor access to nancial services)
 Few of the interviewees appeared to have 
beneted from nancial services and access 
to nancial products such as private pensions 
or business development loans. Thus, the 
TEIP ndings conrmed evidence reported 
elsewhere of limited nancial inclusion (Cemlyn 
et al 2009). Cultural opposition to loans was still 
common with a distinct preference noted for 
making direct payments rather than seeking to 
borrow money:
 ?Well I never had the education. I didn?t 
understand what borrowing meant and I didn?t 
think it was right. I remember everyone saying buy 
your own machine (bull-dozer) and we?ll give you 
as much work as you want but I wouldn?t because 
I didn?t believe in hire purchase. When you get 
something on HP they squeeze you on the price 
and you have to drive it to death to pay for it to 
earn a living whereas if I earned a living driving 
someone else?s machine and it went wrong I still 
got paid. If it was my own machine I would have 
been under it half the night. I said I would go down 
that road when I owned a machine, I have had my 
own machine now for years and owe no one any 
money on it? (G M 61-70.).
 A number of the interviewees reported 
concerns that they would nd it dicult to 
secure nancial assistance from banks and 
other nancial institutions (even if they wished 
to) because of their ethnicity or the fact that 
their address (when living on a site) revealed 
their origins to nancial institutions who were 
perceived to be hostile to Gypsies and Travellers 
and to discriminate against them in accessing 
services (See further Chapter 10).
 Despite this reluctance to utilise banking 
services (coupled with very real diculties in 
obtaining credit for some families) economic 
resources could be accessed through practicing 
nomadism (thus reducing overheads) and using 
the kin-group as a single economic resource 
which enabled some families to save sucient 
capital to purchase land or equipment without 
having to borrow from nancial institutions 
(James, and Southern, 2009). This pooling 
of monies eventually enabled a number of 
respondents to buy a piece of land which could 
be developed as a private site or on which a 
bungalow could be built to accommodate 
older family members. Access to such sites 
also facilitated business activities (see further 
Chapter 8) and the value of their property 
and success of their business could provide 
the head of the family with nancial security. 
Ultimately this would allow the head of the 
family to pass the business and property on 
to the children in later life, who were thus 
rewarded for their earlier input into the family 
business and economic activities. Whilst this 
model was found relatively commonly amongst 
families engaged in the Traveller Economy, such 
iterative economic approaches may be harder 
to replicate in the future with the increased cost 
of land available for site development.
 It should be noted that out of the 33 G/IT
 interviewees engaged in the Traveller Economy 
only one was predominantly nomadic, 25 
respondents were mainly settled on sites, (the 
majority of which were privately owned family 
sites) and seven lived in housing. These ndings 
are strongly suggestive of the fact that sites, 
frequently with attached work areas linked 
to the home base, but also located in close 
proximity to existing kin networks, facilitate the 
Traveller Economy through the maintenance of 
close social networks (Cemlyn et al, 2009).
 A shortage of sites has a negative impact on the 
Traveller Economy
 The TEIP ndings are indicative of the 
proposition that a growing shortage of 
permanent sites is an important factor 
contributing to a move away from the Traveller 
Economy and into more ?mainstream? types of 
employment (See Chapter 8 for a more in-depth 
discussion).
 The historian and activist Donald Kenrick 
drew much ire when he asserted at the Oce 
of the Deputy Prime Minister (ODPM) Select 
Committee hearings in 2004 that virtually no 
Gypsies and Travellers would be nomadic within 
a generation and that the communities would 
accordingly adopt more sedentary lifestyles 
(ODPM Select Community Hearing, 2004). Such 
is the importance of nomadic practices to Gypsy 
and Traveller identity (Kabachnik and Ryder, 
2010) that a number of Gypsies and Travellers 
were deeply critical of this assertion. In practice 
however, ndings from the TEIP suggest that 
restrictions on nomadism and a loss of stopping 
places appear to have reduced economic 
patterns associated with nomadism for Gypsies 
and Travellers living in the UK.
Chapter Four - The ?Traveller Economy? Traditional Work Practices and Adaptation 53
 It should be noted that the biannual caravan 
count of Gypsies and Travellers for July 2009 
reveals that 579 caravans were on land they did 
not own (such as local authority or ?common? 
land) but which were ?tolerated? and not subject 
to enforcement action, while 958 caravans 
stationed on such land were ?untolerated?. 
For more nomadic Gypsies and Travellers 
tolerated sites may enable some economic 
activity through providing a base from which 
they could work, but such activities could be 
restricted by the terms of ?tolerance agreements? 
which often discourage work activity associated 
with traditional trades such as ?scrapping? or 
gardening which could generate waste (CLG, 
2008). In contrast, residents on ?untolerated sites? 
(?roadside? or short term sites) are considerably 
more likely to be subject to frequent movement 
and eviction with the resultant negative impacts 
on access to work. One interviewee noted:
 ?if you don?t have a permanent address you can?t 
get permanent work and a Travellers? way of life 
is dying, dying very fast. I mean what can they do 
if they got to move 7 days a week? How can they 
work in those seven days? They haven?t got time to 
nd work when they are constantly on the move? 
(G F 31-40).
 Changing regulation and employment patterns 
oer less scope for family based and child 
labour
 Although a traditional cultural practice which 
enabled the dissemination of skills, a particular 
cause for concern in the modern world relates 
to the employment of children and young 
people in potentially hazardous occupations. 
Many of the interviewees (predominantly male) 
had worked as part of a family group as children 
and had learnt their current occupations 
through in-family training which laid the basis 
for current economic activities As was noted in 
one policy report on education and training.
 ??. children are frequently involved in dangerous 
occupations, work long hours, drive heavy vehicles 
well before age, and use potentially harmful tools 
and materials. Their parents may also be guilty 
of breaches in child labour, child protection and 
health and safety legislation? (Ivatts, 2005,13).
 Although interview evidence demonstrated 
a sharp decline in child labour, TEIP data 
also found indications of under-age working 
practices in relatively recent times. Thus one 
interviewee recounted:
 ?I stopped going to school [at 14] because we 
moved and I decided I just didn?t want to start 
making friends again and everything. I enjoyed 
being on my own and I used to work on the elds 
and go to work on the elds and help out and 
look after the babies like my little brothers and 
sisters and that. My parents were happy with that 
decision? (G F 21-30).
 Whilst the involvement of children in 
employment remains highly controversial 
(particularly when working in dangerous 
circumstances) debates as to the rights and 
wrongs of such actions have to be balanced 
between considering the legal rights of children 
and the norms of culture and tradition which 
remain hotly contested within Gypsy and
 Traveller communities. Whilst the topic of child 
involvement in working practices (and indeed 
that of early school leaving/cultural age of 
attaining ?adult? status) is not considered within 
this report, strong research evidence suggest 
that a mismatch in curricular studies and levels 
of racism in school may also have some impact 
on parental decisions to reject conventional 
schooling and involve their children in the 
Traveller Economy (See further Chapter Nine).
 Whilst legislative restrictions are reducing the 
number of boys who openly go out to work with 
their fathers (as was commonly practiced from 
around age 13 in the recent past), anecdotal 
evidence suggests that some families wait 
until boys are teenagers and look old enough 
to pass as a sixteen year old, and they are then 
encouraged to learn skills through work in the 
family group on an occasional basis or during 
school holidays and at weekends. Concern 
has been noted that raising the compulsory 
educational involvement age to eighteen is 
likely to place further restraints on the level 
and manner of adolescent involvement in the 
Traveller Economy for both males and females 
given cultural expectations of taking a more 
adult role from their mid-teens and typically 
early marriage and child-bearing during the late 
teen years.
 Persistent anecdotal evidence supported by 
ndings from the TEIP and other research (e.g 
Cemlyn et al, 2009) indicates that restrictions on 
child labour are leading some teenagers who 
are alienated from school and not attending 
college to spend time on sites or housing 
estates with little constructive activity. It has 
been anecdotally posited (supported by 
supposition within the TEIP) that this may be 
Chapter Four - The ?Traveller Economy? Traditional Work Practices and Adaptation 54
 a contributory factor to teenage conict with 
the law. On some local authority sites (and 
amongst housed community members living on 
housing estates) the demise of the traditional 
Traveller Economy has been particularly marked. 
Together with increased levels of marital 
breakup and breakdown of traditional control 
mechanisms for young people living in housing, 
this decline has been posited as a contributory 
factor to a rise in criminality and drug abuse 
amongst some young people (Clements and 
Morris, 2002; Cemlyn et al 2009).
 Changing Gender Roles within the Traveller 
Economy
 Gender has an important impact on the type of 
work undertaken by Gypsies and Travellers
 Restrictions on child labour inevitably have 
less impact on female children who may 
leave school early and make the transition 
to performing traditional domestic roles to 
support family members engaged in the 
Traveller economy. A large number of the female 
interviewees from ?traditional/conservative? 
families, stated that expectations of conformity 
to female gender roles were the primary reason 
why they had left school early as from their 
early teens they were expected to contribute to 
the family unit through undertaking domestic 
chores such as childcare, cooking or cleaning 
and engaging in homebased employment (e.g. 
winter production of holly wreaths, etc.)
 ?The Traveller girls don?t really get that much work. 
If they work it is more family based with their own 
parents or whatever? (G F 31-40).
 For some females from traditional families, 
marriage had meant no longer being able 
to work outside of the home and/or family 
unit, but instead emphasis was placed on the 
primacy of domestic duties and thus a return 
to supporting roles in the Traveller Economy 
(Greenelds 2008). Cultural restrictions, a lack 
of trust in the wider community and fears for 
safety meant that some families were hesitant 
to allow their daughters to work outside of the 
family unit. In addition, cultural attitudes to 
gender roles mean that some families would 
regard it as a slur on a husband?s ability to 
support his family if a wife went out to work:
 ?I was a sewing machinist. I?ve done that for about 
two years and then I got married. I never had to 
do it [since] because that is the way what we are, 
the husband looks after us. It is just the way the 
Travellers are? (IT F 31-40).
 ?My daughter she is 19 year old and she doesn?t go 
anywhere on her own, she doesn?t walk the streets. 
If you go to the villages you never nd our children 
on the roads. We don?t believe in it; that is the way 
we are. We can?t let them go too far because it is 
our instinct. We are just not too trusting either that 
is because how we were raised and what we have 
seen so you don?t want to put your child in harm?s 
way. If my child has got a job I want to be where I 
can pick her up and drop her o. At the moment 
she can drive by herself but I still want to be able 
contact her when I need to make sure she is safe so 
I don?t want her to go too far.? (G F 31-40)
 Some Gypsy and Traveller women are changing 
and adapting through engagement with 
?external? employment opportunities
 There is evidence in the TEIP data to indicate 
that a number of younger women wish to 
develop their own businesses or enter into an 
occupation where they are not performing 
a secondary economic role. These changes 
represent a signicant departure from the rigid 
gender roles and expectations of the traditional 
Traveller Economy. Amongst the younger 
female interviewees there was a strong interest 
in gaining vocational qualications which would 
enable them to balance gender roles rather than 
performing a purely domestic role in marriage, 
as well as some evidence of young women 
deferring marriage to their early twenties rather 
than marrying in their teens (Greenelds, 2008):
 ?The only thing is that when I was working in the 
past there were no Traveller girls working in jobs so 
it was like a big thing but now it is like all Traveller 
girls are working. It is not like a shame for the 
family, a girl is supposed to work? (IT F 21-30).
 In some cases such female skills development 
are seen as a prudent measure, in case the 
marriage fails and they are required to became 
the sole breadwinner. Such changing attitudes 
may be a reection of slow but rising divorce 
and separation rates amongst the Gypsy and 
Traveller communities, which have been noted 
elsewhere and which appear to be most evident 
amongst housed Gypsies and Travellers (Cemlyn 
et al 2009):
Chapter Four - The ?Traveller Economy? Traditional Work Practices and Adaptation 55
 ?When my daughter comes around 16 I would 
like her to get a job even if it is in a factory just 
to give her own independence that she can get 
work normally. If she gets a bad man who couldn?t 
provide for their family she has to provide it herself 
so it does pay o to let them know what to do 
and how to do it if you need to survive. They have 
some fallbacks. I?d like all of them to get a job no 
matter what it is as long as money is coming in?.
 My daughter is having home tutoring every week, 
when she turns around 16 I?d like her to have a job 
even if it is only in a factory, even it is only packing 
boxes. It is all independence? (IT F 31-40).
 Single Gypsy and Traveller women are more 
likely to be employed outside the Traveller 
Economy in waged and low skilled work
 Somewhat unusually, but perhaps indicative 
of their status as women who are working, 
approximately 50 percent of the overall G/
 IT female sample were single, a factor that 
may have enabled (or necessitated) their 
employment. This group of female participants 
were either young single girls (living at home 
with their parents and family) or divorced, 
separated or widowed older women. In the 
main (see further Chapter 5) these participants 
were employed in ?mainstream? labour.
 Waged labour by female Gypsies and Travellers 
was also utilised as a mechanism for bringing 
economic stability to the household where 
a husband was engaged in the ?Traveller 
Economy?. Where a working woman had a self-
 employed partner, whose earnings uctuated, 
a certain level of household income could be 
guaranteed where a female partner held a 
waged position. Thus, mixed working patterns 
within households can sustain the Traveller 
Economy.
 A particular pressure for women who were 
seeking to utilise employment to support 
a household engaged in the traditional 
economy was the struggle to sustain gendered 
expectations. Departing from traditional 
roles could bring considerable strain. One 
professional female (a manager) from the Gypsy 
community recounted diculties in juggling 
the demands of a pressurised managerial 
position with her traditional domestic duties. 
This interviewee revealed the tensions identied 
elsewhere of moving away from the Traveller 
Economy whist being expected to conform to 
traditional and cultural expectations; a dilemma 
which has been noted elsewhere (Levinson and 
Sparkes, 2006).
 ?It is a burden for me culturally because I still have 
the same burdens I would have if I sit at home 
all day and clean the trailer or the house. When 
I nish work I have to go out. As I say my mum is 
not very well so I have to do her shopping, help 
with housework and help my dad and I?ve got the 
children. It is a barrier for Traveller women that we 
are still expected to do the same things that we are 
always expected to do and t the work in between 
and the family, no matter what the job stresses are 
out there, family has to come rst. I do nd that 
dicult sometimes? (G F 41-50)
 Innovation within the Traveller Economy
 Work related adaptation is increasing within the 
Traveller Economy
 Although a large number of the sample working 
in the Traveller Economy felt that traditional 
work practices were becoming harder to 
sustain, approximately one third of participants 
engaged in this economic sphere had 
successfully adapted traditional models of the 
Traveller Economy and fused it with mainstream 
economic practices. A number of younger 
interviewees had supplemented their in-family 
training through undertaking formal training, 
for example attending brick laying courses and 
obtaining recognised trade qualications. The 
TEIP identied an emerging trend amongst 
those interviewees who embraced innovation, 
in that these interviewees were keen to formally 
register their businesses and become certied 
practitioners in their particular eld. In a 
number of cases such pro-active and innovative 
participants in the Traveller Economy had set up 
websites to promote their businesses.
 ?I have an e-mail address and I have my own 
website with pictures of my work. I?m registered 
and authorised by the Environment Agency. It is 
just the way forward? (G M 21-30).
 ?The lads without any qualications they?ve got 
no skills on paper, a lot of them can?t read and 
write but are probably the best plasterers, the 
best roofers you?ll ever see. They?ve got nothing 
on paper and I think they are beginning to realise 
if they don?t do something to change they are 
not going to be able to earn a living. I speak 
from experience that?s what I found as well. I 
come from a building background again with no 
qualications and I realised if I carried on doing 
it I?m not going to make a living so I went back to 
school got some formal qualications and that 
made a dierence? (G M 31-40).
Chapter Four - The ?Traveller Economy? Traditional Work Practices and Adaptation 56
 Less barriers exist to working in the Traveller 
Economy for those working internationally
 A number of respondents engaged in 
traditional trades reported that they had been 
able to retain a nomadic lifestyle by travelling 
and working abroad. It was felt that in other 
countries (particularly in Europe) the restrictions 
found in the UK in relation to nomadism did 
not exist. On the Continent nomadic workers 
reported being able to travel and pull up for 
long periods without being subjected to a 
constant cycle of eviction as there is a supply 
of stopping places, (often used by tourists) and 
which unlike in the UK does not dierentiate 
between employment related travelling and 
those utilising the facilities for leisure purposes.
 In Britain for example, Gypsies and Travellers are 
often barred from using caravan club sites on 
the grounds that they are not holiday-makers. 
In contrast, interviewees frequently reported 
that when travelling abroad they were mistaken 
for caravanning holiday makers and thus were 
not identied as Gypsies and Travellers and 
hence did not suer discrimination. Despite 
the rise in xenophobia against Roma on the 
continent many Europeans appear oblivious 
to the traits of British Gypsies and Travellers 
and have diering notions of how a Gypsy and 
Traveller looks or sounds (in opposition to the 
stereotyped conceptualizations of community 
members common in Britain, see further 
Richardson, 2006)
 Thus ironically, the process of successfully 
evading ethnically based exclusion on the 
Continent is accentuated by the ability of British 
Gypsies and Travellers to appear acculturated 
and more easily blend in with the wider 
population (see Chapter One for a discussion 
of Acton?s typology of adaptive characteristics) 
than do European Roma. Reduced levels of 
racism towards British Gypsies and Travellers on 
the Continent and greater access to stopping 
places often means that many respondents 
reported being able to operate on a ?level 
playing? eld and secure work often at more 
lucrative rates than were achievable at home 
where they were regarded with suspicion. It 
is not therefore surprising that some Gypsies 
and Travellers have decided to remain abroad 
leading to reports of sizeable Gypsy and 
Traveller communities in Australia and America 
and on the Continental mainland.
 ?Like I said I was very fortunate in my lifetime as I 
was brought up in Australia and the Aboriginals 
have that problem in Australia not Gypsies. 
For many years my dad used to say to me the 
Aboriginals are just treated like Gypsies and I 
never understood it, I never experienced it until I 
got back here and then when I was sort of seeing 
what was going on I just couldn?t understand why 
do they hate us so much when they don?t even 
know us. I lived the Traveller life but I lived a life in 
a country where it was accepted to travel. When I 
came back here I was 18 I just couldn?t get over it 
(opposition)? (G F 21-30).
 Anecdotal evidence suggests that working 
abroad may now be more common amongst 
Irish Travellers than English Gypsies, with Irish 
Travellers working in construction and retail 
work in Norway, Germany, France and Spain 
in increasing numbers. The higher mobility 
amongst Irish Travellers may be a consequence 
of the fact that, large numbers of community 
members left Ireland in the post-war period 
with subsequent waves of migration in the 
1970s and 80s. The relatively recent history of 
migration and subsequently diminished access 
to local authority/public sites when contrasted 
with Romany Gypsies (Cemlyn et. al., 2009), 
means that Irish Travellers are more accustomed 
to migration than longer established 
populations (Power, 2004).
 Extended Irish Traveller family networks (for 
example the Sheridans) have a tradition of long 
distance and international employment related 
travelling and are thus well equipped to adapt 
and work in new and diverse economic and 
cultural environments, developing language 
skills and being able to negotiate and strike 
deals in a variety of languages when it is not 
possible to use English. One English Gypsy 
interviewee who worked in France as a doorstep 
trader took the decision to go to night school to 
learn French.
 ?No, I had no other training, but like I said I did the 
colleges and did building and French, but this is 
more since I was married. The French came when 
we went to France and was over there working 
and when we came back in the winter I went and 
did the lessons, to do more speaking, you know 
what I mean to get the work? (G M 41-50).
 Anecdotal evidence suggests that the majority 
of such language skills are learnt informally 
or sometimes as a result of Traveller children 
attending school whilst their parents are 
Chapter Four - The ?Traveller Economy? Traditional Work Practices and Adaptation 57
 working on the continent. However, it is likely 
that there may be greater demand for more 
formal language support in the future although 
demand to learn written foreign languages (as 
opposed to develop oral skills) may be low.
 Migration and work abroad may in part be a 
response to economic and social exclusion, 
not least the shortage of ocial stopping 
places, legal restrictions on unauthorised 
developments and regulation of economic 
practices such as ?cold calling?. Grattan Puxon, 
the veteran campaigner interviewed about the 
Dale Farm Traveller site in 2007, made reference 
to international working practices followed 
by some residents for large parts of each year. 
Puxon noted that those men of working age 
used their authorized pitch as a short term 
stopping space during holidays and winter
 months, traveling for work purposes for the rest 
of the year whilst, leaving older family members, 
wives and children behind to access services 
such as education and healthcare which were 
not readily available whilst travelling (Basildon 
Echo, 9th November 2007).
 Gypsy Traveller arts and heritage as a growth 
?Traveller Economy? industry
 For some practitioners of the Traveller Economy, 
engagement with the sector involves utilising 
highly skilled economic activities, in particular 
moving in new directions and taking up 
opportunities aorded by the growing Gypsy/
 Traveller arts and culture industry. An increasing 
number of Gypsies and Travellers are working 
as self-employed artists who draw upon their 
heritage within their work, (most notably Daniel 
Baker and Delaine and Damian Las Bas). Others, 
such as the ?Clearwater Gypsies?, have set up 
a ?trading post? for the sale of Gypsy artifacts 
such as paintings, traditional wagons, etc and 
Gordon Boswell through his museum of Gypsy 
wagons has been a pioneer in the promotion 
of Gypsy and Traveller culture. Increasingly 
trained (and often highly educated) members 
of the communities (including Roma migrants) 
are engaged in economic activities as poets, 
musicians, lm makers, journalists, painters and 
wagon makers.
 Involvement in culture and heritage activities 
are not new and indeed have been a traditional 
feature of the Traveller Economy for centuries. 
However, what is particularly innovative are 
the initiation of new forms of work, and the 
scale on which such industries are growing. 
A major impetus to these activities has been 
the development of Gypsy Roma Traveller 
History Month (GRTHM) which was rst initiated 
in 2007, sponsored by the Department for 
Children Schools and Families to promote GRT 
culture in schools and the wider community. 
Part of this programme includes a capacity 
building dimension which has originated from 
the GRTHM guidance and which expressly 
encourages community members to develop 
their cultural skills for commercial purposes 
(GRTHM Guidance 2009). One Gypsy artist active 
in GRTHM described her work, whilst noting the 
potential that arts hold to challenge racism, and 
enabling her to retain her independence within 
the Traveller Economy:
 ?I work for myself but obviously I work with 
dierent people when I do workshops attached 
to my exhibitions or I might go to colleges or 
universities to do lectures. As an artist I just work 
for myself and create my own work and then I get 
to do shows. I have gallery representation which 
means I have two galleries that show my work and 
they have my works permanently on their websites 
and they give me shows as well?. I?m lucky I 
don?t really see my job as work because I enjoy 
what I do. I?m in a position that I can make the 
sort of work what I want to do but also mix with 
lots of really interesting people, so I get to go to so 
many interesting places and also arts are a really 
powerful tool for highlighting misrepresentation 
and all the other stu that comes with that about 
being marginalised, so most of my work is about 
people who are on the outside and it is not just 
about being a Traveller? (G F 41-50).
 An important dynamic of Gypsy and Traveller 
economic survival has been cultural borrowing 
and adaptation
 As has been noted repeatedly within this 
chapter, a number of respondents have 
informed the TEIP that they had repeatedly and 
regularly adapted their work to new markets, 
through utilising Information Computer 
Technology and conforming to new regulations 
in ways which are radically dierent from 
those of their forebears. Whilst such modes 
of economic activity may appear strikingly 
new, in fact such innovation is nothing new to 
Gypsies and Travellers. Indeed Acton writing 
in 1974 (and 1997) referred to the historical 
importance and validity of cultural borrowing 
and adaptation amongst Gypsies and Travellers, 
as detailed in Chapter One. The TEIP found that 
many community members engaged in the 
Chapter Four - The ?Traveller Economy? Traditional Work Practices and Adaptation 58
 Traveller Economy acknowledged both their 
determination to remain within traditional 
spheres of activity and simultaneously indicated 
their awareness of the necessity of adaptation 
if they wished to avoid the risk of acculturation 
and movement into paid labour within 
mainstream spheres:
 ?I want to get registered up and get my own 
business ? you can?t turn the clock back. There are 
more and more restrictions being put on people 
and it?s impossible to work outside the system.
 In ve years? time people won?t know Travellers 
from other people. In some ways it?s a good thing, 
no one will be able to say they are better than us 
Travellers. We always adapt and have done in our 
history. When the farm work went away it was 
tough but we adapted and what with all this red 
tape there is now we will adapt again? (G M 21-30).
 Whilst the above quote could imply Gypsies 
and Travellers are on the verge of assimilation, 
the TEIP study suggests that with innovation 
Gypsies and Travellers will be better equipped 
to surmount the present challenges to the 
Traveller Economy without losing their innate 
cultural identity. Indeed Interviewees voiced 
such aspirations for the future and noted the 
positive changes these strategies could bring:
 ?I think we have a lot of incredibly creative 
talented people with a huge history and personal 
characteristics of having overcome huge hurdles 
just to survive not only to survive but to survive 
and thrive. I?m very proud of the fact that the 
family unit is so important to us and we are so 
caring of the children and of our extended families. 
We?ve come a long way and we were one of the 
rst ethnic groups to arrive in this country and one 
of the last to be recognized
 I think the fact that there is less mobility now than 
there used to be is giving to the members of the 
community a chance to come forward and play 
a greater role in taking the community forward 
especially in terms of health and education 
and other opportunities. I believe that if this 
trend carries on over the next 20 years we shall 
have members of the community in all levels of 
employment and society? (G F 41-50).
Chapter Five
 Waged Employment and Access to Welfare
Chapter Five- Waged Employment and Access to Welfare 60
 Chapter Five
 Waged Employment and Access to 
Welfare
 Introduction
 As has been demonstrated in the previous 
chapter there have been signicant changes 
in the traditional Traveller Economy in recent 
years, not least the sharp decline in community 
members working in these types of occupation, 
so that within a single generation a shift 
has occurred until only 40% of respondents 
follow ?traditional? ways of making a living. 
Concurrently, Gypsies and Travellers (particularly 
younger members of the community) 
have begun to engage with working in the 
waged sector, although a signicant (and 
disproportionately high percentage of the 
population (see further Cemlyn et. al., and 
GTANA analysis in Appendix B) have been 
?left behind? economically, and have needed 
to resort to Welfare payments. This chapter 
explores these processes of employment 
transition and also examines the challenges 
faced by respondents as a result of changing 
work patterns.
 Table 10 below illustrates the range of ?paid? employment undertaken by TEIP interviewees
 0 5 10 15 20 25 30
 Arts
 Police
 Design
 Admin/ Clerical in Private Sector
 Education
 Retail/ Industrial/ Domestic
 Local Authority
 Third Sector/ Community 25
 9
 7
 5
 4
 1
 1
 1
 Jobs
 Paid Employment Undertaken by Gypsy and Irish Traveller
 TEIP Interviewees
Chapter Five - Waged Employment and Access to Welfare 61
 Waged Employment
 Waged employment is a growing trend 
amongst Gypsies and Travellers
 Despite the often negative views toward 
waged employment expressed by community 
members working in the ?traditional economy? 
and consistent with ndings that a strong 
preference for self employment exists (Cemlyn 
et.al., 2009; Greenelds, 2008) working for a 
wage has always been a feature of Gypsy and 
Traveller economic practices in times of need. 
Sixty percent of the economically active G/
 IT interviewees interviewed for the TEIP were 
currently working for someone else, in elds 
outside of the traditional Traveller Economy.
 As demonstrated by Table 8; 53 of the 86 
Gypsy and Irish Traveller interviewees were 
waged, (18 male and 35 females). This equates 
to 66 percent of waged respondents being 
female, illustrating the preposition of gendered 
employment practices discussed within Chapter 
Four. It is likely that a far higher number of 
Gypsies and Travellers are working in the waged 
sector than we have identied but signicant 
diculties exist with accurately identifying 
precise numbers of these minority community 
members working in the waged sector as a 
result of lack of consistency in administrative 
statistics. Gypsies and Travellers are not listed 
as an ethnic category in the Department of 
Work and Pensions (DWP)/Oce of National 
Statistics (ONS) UK Labour Force Survey (which 
is undertaken on a quarterly basis to obtain 
information on the UK labour market) and most 
employers who practice ethnic monitoring do 
not have a distinct category group for Gypsies 
and Travellers. Hence, it is dicult to contrast 
data collected within the TEIP with wider 
datasets. (See further Appendix A)
 Data pertaining to the waged employment 
of Roma and New Travellers is considered 
separately within Chapter Seven.
 Gypsy and Traveller Professionals (excluding 
information on Roma/New Travellers)
 Whilst the TEIP may perhaps be unusual in 
having accessed a relatively high percentage of 
community members working as professionals, 
it is self-evident that Gypsies and Travellers are 
to be found engaged in a wide eld of activities, 
albeit that they have often not self-identied 
by ethnic origin for reasons explored in more 
depth below. It is noteworthy that two thirds of 
the waged sample were women, supporting the 
identied trend for greater female engagement 
with paid employment and (potentially) higher 
levels of educational attainment. Table 12 
details the professional roles undertaken by 
respondents
 Contrary to stereotypes of ?unskilled? labour 
there are Gypsy and Traveller professionals 
working in a wide range of industries.
 Table 11?Waged? employment sector by gender
 Third 
Sector
 Local
 Authority
 Retail/
 Industrial/
 Domestic 
Educational Admin/
 Clerical
 Design Police Arts
 25 9 7 5 4 1 1 1
 M-6
 F-19
 M-5
 F-4
 M-1
 F-6
 M-2
 F-3
 M-2
 M-2 M-1 M-1 F-1
Chapter Five- Waged Employment and Access to Welfare 62
 In the TEIP survey of G/IT interviewees 17 
interviewees (19% percent) were employed in a
 ?professional? role. Of these seventeen, 10 
were female. Whilst our whole sample is not 
representative of the Gypsy and Traveller 
communities as a whole, for reasons rehearsed 
in earlier Chapters; the percentage of 
professionals sampled compares relatively 
well with other populations in Britain as the 
Oce for National Statistics (ONS, 2006) reports 
that twenty seven percent of the White British 
population are employed in managerial and 
professional occupations whilst signicant 
variations exist for minority communities. 
Members of the Chinese population are the 
best represented ethnic minority group in this 
employment sector with nearly 40 percent of 
Chinese workers being professionals, in contrast 
to Black Caribbeans who are reported to have 
just under 20 percent of their population 
working in such roles. The Oce for National 
Statistics do not have an ethnic monitoring 
category for Gypsies and Travellers so it is 
impossible to produce a denitive gure for 
professional members of these minorities.
 Regardless of whether or not our sample is 
reective of the wider Gypsy and Traveller 
population as a whole, the important point to 
note is that TEIP found a signicant number of 
professionals from these communities, posing 
a direct challenge to economic stereotypes and 
assumptions pertaining to lifestyle patterns 
associated with Gypsies and Travellers.
 Professionals who are not engaged in 
?community specic? work are more likely to be 
of mixed heritage, housed and well educated
 One key nding was that the professionals 
located outside of services related to Gypsies 
and Travellers (e.g. Traveller Education 
Services; working in Community Groups) were 
predominantly of mixed heritage (with one 
Gypsy/Traveller parent and another from the 
?mainstream? population) and had been raised in 
a house, frequently remaining in education until 
compulsory school leaving age or later. Typically 
such professionals were highly acculturated 
and largely removed from traditional lifestyle 
patterns.
 Signicantly, given that population estimates 
have identied two thirds of the Gypsy and 
Traveller population as living in housing (CRE, 
2006), there may be a signicant number of 
?unidentied? Gypsies and Travellers of mixed 
heritage occupying managerial and professional 
positions in Britain.
 Conversely, research evidence indicates that 
where large groupings of Gypsies and Travellers 
are resident in housing, (in particular where they 
have moved from caravans to social housing 
as a result of site shortages), such communities 
are located in urban areas characterised by 
high levels of geographical and social exclusion 
(Shelter, 2007; Greenelds and Smith, 2010). 
Thus, community members living in such 
circumstances are likely to experience the 
same educational and employment exclusion 
as their ?non? Gypsy/Traveller working class 
counterparts, with a concurrent reduction 
in the likelihood of achieving professional 
employment.
 We therefore posit the supposition that in 
contrast to more recently housed members 
of the community who retain high levels of 
bonding capital and preferences for traditional 
employment modes and social practices 
(Greenelds & Smith, 2010), it is likely that a 
signicant number of Gypsies and Travellers 
have been housed for several generations and 
Table 12 Gypsies and Travellers in 
?professional and higher grade? 
employment
 Type of Professional Work No. ofInterviewees
 Community Group
 Managers/ Senior Sta 5
 Statutory Sector 
(Social Work/
 Local Government)
 5
 Arts/
 Culture/
 Education
 3
 Social Entrepreneurs-
 Site Management/
 Managing Directors
 2
 Designer/ Inventor 1
 Academic 1
Chapter Five - Waged Employment and Access to Welfare 63
 thus exposed to a range of cultural inuences 
which have encouraged them to develop 
greater bridging social capital (diverse social 
networks) and in some cases marry outside of 
the community. Thus, the numbers of people 
of mixed Gypsy/Traveller heritage are likely to 
be signicant. In ve cases where interviewees 
were working in professional occupations 
which were not directly related to Gypsy and 
Traveller issues the interviewees were of mixed 
heritage. This group of ve interviewees all 
however retain a strong association in their 
identication with Gypsy and Traveller culture 
and access to networks of Gypsy/Traveller 
relatives. One interviewee (product designer) 
who was also a local authority Councillor, had 
only discovered their ethnicity recently as his 
father had hidden his ethnicity from his children 
and it was only in later life that he discussed it 
with them The funeral of his father had brought 
the interviewee into contact with Irish Traveller 
family members.
 The TEIP suggests that encouraging the 
reconnection of such acculturated and ?mixed 
heritage? professionals and others with more 
distant links to the community could have 
signicant benets in counteracting the 
eects of previous forced assimilation. Not 
only could it bring forward people prepared to 
be aligned with the community as a result of 
familial bonds, but such individuals have the 
potential to provide valuable support in terms 
of engagement with authorities and also act as 
mentors to young Gypsies and Travellers who 
aspire to professional status.
 Overall, the trend towards increasing 
professionalisation noted within this section 
of the report is indicative of ndings reported 
throughout the TEIP which indicate that the 
children of interviewees (in all employment 
elds) were likely to have achieved higher 
educational qualications or participation 
in formal education for longer than their 
parents (See further Chapter 9). If this trend 
continues we would expect to see an increasing 
trajectory of entry into professional occupations 
(including law, medicine etc.) by Gypsies and 
Travellers in the decades to come. Interviewees 
across all sectors of the community welcomed 
such a development, recognising the value that 
professional community members could have 
as role models and practical advocates for their 
more marginalised peers.
 Of ?professional? respondents, ten were 
employed in managerial/professional positions 
within community groups or working within 
services targeted explicitly at Gypsies and 
Travellers (e.g. community development, 
Traveller Education Service, etc.). Just under 
a quarter of the interviewees (six individuals 
or seven percent of the whole interview 
sample) were in professional positions with 
no direct link to the Gypsy and Traveller 
communities. That such a high proportion of 
the ?professional? sample who self-identify as 
Gypsies and Travellers are directly employed 
in community activities (and are thus ?known? 
to the TEIP team) may potentially deate 
projections as to the size of the professionally 
employed Gypsy and Traveller population in 
Britain. However, we feel able to condently 
assert that signicant numbers of people with 
more distant Gypsy and Traveller heritage are 
employed in professional roles, (as may be 
posited from attendance at events such as 
Roma, Gypsy, Traveller History Month cultural 
activities or Romany and Traveller Family History 
Society events). As considered in Chapter Six 
(which provides a more in-depth discussion of 
community related employment/roles), ndings 
suggest that Gypsies and Travellers who are 
the rst members or their families to enter 
atypical employment and achieve professional 
success may be more likely to be situated in 
culture-specic sectors as a result of the support 
mechanisms available and because such roles 
constitutes a mix of both the Traveller world and 
that of mainstream society.
 Social Mobility and Employment
 Approximately 60 percent of the TEIP 
interviewees who achieved professional status 
were women indicating as already outlined 
above a greater tendency to move out of 
traditional work spheres and educational 
and training achievement suggesting slightly 
greater levels of social mobility amongst female 
interviewees. However, not all of these had 
achieved success through conventional career 
and educational routes.
 Social entrepreneurialism oers a route to 
success and social mobility for Gypsies and 
Travellers
 Four Gypsy and Traveller social entrepreneurs 
had reached professional positions despite 
having little formal education, providing 
Chapter Five- Waged Employment and Access to Welfare 64
 evidence that alternative routes to such status 
did not always necessitate conventional 
academic and career progression. Often 
these highly successful Gypsies and Travellers 
had started their working lives engaged in 
traditional trades within the Traveller economy 
but through adaptation and accessing post-
 compulsory education which suited their needs, 
they had reached managerial positions. The 
following section considers the challenges and 
opportunities for Gypsies and Travellers moving 
into professional elds.
 Whilst we have found evidence of considerable 
success amongst some respondents engaged 
in sector specic career development, some 
Gypsy and Traveller entrepreneurs reported 
that establishing a community group could be 
a precarious enterprise as such agencies and 
individuals did not always enjoy nancial and 
career stability. Thus, opting for such a route 
to professionalism could cause strain for sta 
in terms of constant pressure to fundraise 
and worries about income and employment 
instability (See further Chapter 11):
 ?When I set up (a Gypsy NGO) myself and my 
sister got the organisation going and we went to 
meetings and picked things up. I can?t spell very 
well but I can read. I usually get someone else to 
do the paperwork but I?m good on the accounts 
? I love to help people in the community. I?m 
voluntary now because we have no funding but 
I used to be the project ocer and used to run a 
lot of cultural awareness talks but we?ve got no 
money for work at the moment?. I don?t want a 
huge wage just a fair wage. A job like this it?s not 
about the money it?s about satisfaction. If you can 
help someone achieve or change something you 
got that little bit of satisfaction?. (F G 51-60).
 Challenges to Social Mobility
 The TEIP identied that whilst there 
are opportunities for social mobility for 
engagement with the community sector, that 
a risk exists that individuals who take this 
route may nd themselves sharing the fate of 
a number of Roma ?third sector? workers on 
the Continent who have found themselves 
in a ?Glass Box? unable to move from working 
solely with their own community and unable 
to make the transition to the public sector; in 
part because of a lack of conventional skills or 
because skills they possess are not recognized 
outside of their identied zone of expertise 
(ERRC, 2009). Yet other community workers 
report being hesitant to seek employment 
outside of a sector where at present they feel 
secure, accepted and protected from racism 
(ERRC, 2009). Whilst these barriers exist, it 
is dicult for Gypsies and Travellers to gain 
wider experience in a range of agencies, and 
in so doing, challenge stereotypes about their 
communities common in other professions and 
wider society. One positive example of such 
translocational recognition identied by the 
TEIP, involved a police ocer who was of mixed 
Gypsy heritage. He believed that his respected 
position within the police force actively 
challenged negative perceptions about Gypsies 
and Travellers long held by his colleagues.
 In addition to the barriers to movement 
for specialist sta, opportunities to career 
development within more conventional and 
formalised work sectors are rapidly receding as 
a result of present ?cutbacks? in public services. 
Additional challenges occur as a result of 
tacit grade ination where highly qualied 
individuals who may have had signicantly 
greater educational opportunities than TEIP 
respondents are competing for jobs which in 
reality warrant lower level qualications or ?on 
the job? training. There was a perception by one 
female Gypsy (employed at managerial level 
in the statutory sector) that the opportunities 
to enter this type of secure employment at the 
lowest level and ?work your way up? as she had 
done, were now non-existent:
 ?I came into the [statutory service] at the lowest 
grade and I have managed to be promoted 
ve times to do my current grade. I don?t think 
that those opportunities are there any more 
for anybody from the community. Basically 
we recruit a lot of those at the most basic level 
from university graduates, I now fear the same 
opportunities for the community to get involved 
like I had are not there now. They are recruiting the 
lowest level at graduate level now? (G F 41-50).
 For a number of professionals interviewed 
for the TEIP the leap in social mobility had 
been profound, enabling them to move from 
traditional employment to professional status. 
Sometimes this could lead to challenges from 
their own community members who perceived 
of them as becoming ?gorjied? (Greenelds, 
2008) as well as doubts and anxieties as to 
whether the way they spoke and presented 
themselves could cause them career diculties. 
One academic who had previously been a 
builder recounted:
Chapter Five - Waged Employment and Access to Welfare 65
 ?I have to prepare lectures, research, do 
administration. You need to absorb things quickly, 
often you are only a couple of pages ahead of 
the students. You also need to communicate well 
and that has always been a problem for me. I 
remember at university as a student they used to 
laugh at me when I spoke in seminars or they took 
the piss out of the way I spoke. One of the lecturers 
once said to them ?you wouldn?t laugh if he was 
black and had a Caribbean accent?. I have to 
communicate clearly and moderate what I say [to 
use ?academic? language]. I remember at university 
when the essay marks came in I realised they 
[fellow students] were not that bright but had the 
persona? (G M 41-50).
 Despite the challenges to working in 
?mainstream? employment, several interviewees 
felt that their background equipped them 
particularly well for the challenges of their 
professional work. Traveller ethnicity and 
experience of working with ?non-mainstream? 
populations were regarded as a useful asset 
in some forms of employment. Two of the 
interviewees, (both working in the criminal 
justice system but not directly with Gypsies and 
Travellers) felt that their life experience, cultural 
traits and developed life skills suited them 
especially well for their challenging work roles:
 ?The skills I?ve got, I possess - which settled 
people and organisations nd are useful - is risk 
management and when you are a Gypsy/Traveller 
person you manage the risk from being a very 
small individual, because you live on the edge of 
society. Really you have to learn how to risk asses 
and manage risk ?.One thing that Gypsies can 
do, they can talk, they can communicate and they 
can make people understand what they need 
and don?t need and those skills are just vital in the 
world anyway. You learn to listen but also to gain 
and take knowledge which my people enjoy doing. 
Other skills that I possess, numerous of them, are 
from our cultural education as well as formal?
 (G F 51-60).
 Routes into Employment
 Volunteering is an important rst step to 
employment for many Gypsies and Travellers
 For those individuals who are currently out of 
work or who are hoping to nd employment 
within the third sector as a way of moving on 
from traditional work practices, volunteering 
with community groups has signicant benets 
in terms of skills development.
 Amongst the third of the TEIP sample who are 
employed in the community sector, virtually 
every respondent reported that they had 
found volunteering and activism invaluable 
preparation for their work. Interviewees 
reported that they had often combined 
voluntary work with paid employment on 
temporary short life projects which had allowed 
them to gain condence and experience, in turn 
leading to full time employment
 ?I do this voluntary work with [community 
group] and try to encourage Travellers - making 
them more aware of life and how to change in 
an economic sense and stu like that which the 
Travellers are not really aware of. I?m just learning 
bit by bit myself each time I come here. I like 
doing it because I nd it very interesting, it?s very 
worthwhile in the end because it gives you more 
condence to know what you are talking about 
and where you come from? (IT F 51-60).
 One female interviewee discussed the ways 
in which volunteering could help Gypsies 
and Travellers to assess work options and 
ultimately obtain waged employment as well 
as enabling them (often unconsciously) to act 
as community ambassadors who are accepted 
within ?mainstream society?. Such intercultural 
engagement leads to greater mutual 
understanding of cultures and communities:
 ?.. a lot of Travellers are the same as what I was. 
They don?t have any qualications but are quite 
capable of doing a job. I?ve been working with a 
lot of Travellers across the county and get them 
into schools on a voluntary basis. Once volunteers 
have been police checked, once they?ve turned 
out to work well and get on with the families and 
sta realise that they are not going be monsters 
and turn the children into ?God knows what?, then 
they?ve actually got jobs at these schools and work 
as Teacher Assistants, as Pre-school Key Workers in 
primary schools? (G F 21-30).
 A signicant number of the interviewees who 
were (or who in the past) engaged in voluntary 
work were female lone parents in receipt of 
welfare benets. For some of these respondents, 
a considerable barrier to volunteering and 
ultimately making the transition into paid 
work consisted of negotiating welfare benet 
regulations. Where paid work exceeds 16 
hours per week the general rule (at the time 
of writing subject to change as a result of the 
Autumn 2010 welfare benet review) is that the 
claimant will not be entitled to receive Income 
Chapter Five- Waged Employment and Access to Welfare 66
 Support benet and will then need to make the 
transition to receipt of ?in-work? benets. Moving 
to ?in-work? benets entails the graduated loss 
of ?passported? benets such as housing benet, 
free school meals, free prescriptions, etc leading 
to hardship for a family who will need to nd 
travel to work costs and associated expenses 
as well as paying for services (e.g. council tax) 
which had heretofore been free of charge 
(Centre for Social Justice, 2009).
 Where work is short-term (for example on a 
summer project) the delays in re-activating 
benet claims may be regarded as placing the 
family in too precarious a situation to warrant 
making the transition to paid work. Currently 
unemployed Gypsies and Travellers who were 
working as volunteers informed the TEIP that 
benets restrictions which limited the hours 
during which they could be available to act 
as volunteers also meant that community 
engagement could become haphazard 
and unstructured as well as diminishing 
opportunities to undertake training. Overall 
the Benet system was perceived as restricting 
involvement in volunteering activities.
 In recognition of the diculties in moving 
away from Benets to paid employment some 
community organisations have called for 
the Government to establish a ?Community 
Allowance? which will serve the dual purpose 
of supporting people into work whilst assisting 
communities with regeneration programmes 
(Ainsworth, 2010). The campaign is lobbying 
for community organisations to be able to 
pay a small allowance to unemployed people 
to undertake work that strengthens their 
neighbourhood and locality, without loss 
of Benets. It is argued that the Community 
Allowance would create new jobs by enabling 
community organisations to pay local 
unemployed people to undertake part time, 
sessional or short-term work within their local
 area. The unemployed person would be able 
to keep these earnings on top of their benets, 
and would also have the opportunity to learn 
new skills. Such a programme would eectively 
?make work pay? as well as providing a stepping 
stone to employment. Campaigners suggest 
that the DWP consultation on welfare reform 
has, to date, not suciently engaged with 
this proposal although (Ainsworth, 2010) 
optimism exists that with the emergence of 
the ?Big Society? agenda, pilot projects may 
be supported in trialing such schemes. The 
TEIP suggests that such programmes are 
likely to eectively deliver ?Big Society? goals 
through creating better staed and resourced 
community groups who can be more proactive 
in delivering services. In particular, we suggest 
that should such a reform occur it holds the 
potential to strengthen Gypsy and Traveller 
social mobility and bolster the fragile GRT 
community sector.
 Despite the complexities inherent in moving 
into paid work for those formerly in receipt 
of benets, overall, the majority of waged 
interviewees expressed satisfaction with their 
present standard of living or had relatively 
modest additional material ambitions. For those 
respondents who had achieved managerial 
and professional status their present pay levels 
usually represented a large relative advance on 
their previous income. One manager recounted:
 ?Personally I?m happy with my income because it 
pays my bills and that?s all I have to do at the end 
of the day. My wife is on a poor wage, we both 
used to be on very poor wages and it was a real 
struggle but personally I?m happy, I?m paying my 
bills so I?m more than thankful for it? (G M 21-30).
 Gypsies and Travellers in the waged sector 
expressed very little discontent about 
employment conditions. This may be 
attributable to the fact that many of the 
interviewees had known great hardship during 
their lives, working in poor conditions for low 
returns and thus their present situation was one 
of relative comfort and security even if (non-
 Gypsy/Traveller) colleagues were often satised. 
A male Gypsy who had become a professional 
level employee in a university said:
 ??people all moan about their jobs and 
academics do this a lot, it?s all they know but 
I think my expectations of work are lower. I?ve 
had jobs where if you are no good they will tell 
you to clear o. So I nd my present work quite 
privileged? (G M 41-50)
 Outside of the eld of ?professional? employment 
the TEIP found further examples of Gypsies 
and Travellers adapting rapidly to new work 
environments and experiencing dramatic 
change in their lives as a result of taking 
chances and seizing opportunities which arose.
Chapter Five - Waged Employment and Access to Welfare 67
 Gypsies, Travellers and Service in the Armed 
Forces
 There is a strong tradition of service in the 
armed forces by Gypsies and Travellers 
leading to new career opportunities and skills 
development
 One key nding from the TEIP was the relatively 
high numbers of (male) G/IT interviewees who 
had entered the armed services. In addition 
a signicant number of respondents of both 
genders had relatives who had had either 
served or who were serving in the armed 
forces. Three male interviewees had been in the 
services as a result of Conscription during World 
War Two or through undertaking compulsory 
National Service during the post-war era. A 
further three men had enlisted voluntarily (post 
conscription). Another ve interviewees made 
reference to children/family members who 
were currently in the armed services. Overall 
this equates to 11% of the sample with personal 
experience or close family connections to the 
Forces.
 All of the respondents, who had seen service 
in the armed forces, reported that this period 
proved to be a positive and life changing 
experience. Three men learned to read and write 
in the army having had no formal education 
before their period of service:
 ?I Joined the army in 1966 and I learnt to read 
and write up to a point because I did the army 
certicate of education to level 3. Once you can do 
it you wonder how you ever lived without it, I love 
books? (G M 61-70).
 Other men gained important qualications in 
the army as well as experience and condence 
with dealing with a diverse range of people and 
situations:
 ?In the army, I went in 1950 and did my national 
service, everybody was called up, if you didn?t go 
you went to prison. I signed up and stayed on and 
did 5 years. I did my army third and second class 
exams and passed them. I did city and guilds at 
technical college after the army, higher national 
in engineering. I?m a teacher of woodwork. It took 
me about 10 years after the army to achieve what 
I wanted to achieve. I was away from the family 
for ve years in the army and I think that made me 
into another person and gave me responsibility 
and it gave me something to improve the family 
way of life?? (G M 71-80).
 Whilst no evidence was available on the 
training/career paths being undertaken by 
respondents? children or close relatives who 
are currently in the Forces it is likely that this 
tradition of utilizing a period of Service to attain 
transferable skills which can then be used in 
civilian life will continue amongst Gypsies and 
Travellers. In addition, opportunities for former 
services personnel to move into new elds 
of employment are likely to develop further 
in years to come as a result of an increasing 
emphasis on supporting ex-services sta into 
employment (Drury, 2010).
 In contrast to the ndings relating to 
employment mobility opportunities for 
individuals who have been in the armed 
forces or who have worked in the community 
development sector, TEIP has found that the 
chances for advancement in other sectors 
of the waged economy appear to be more 
restricted for Gypsies and Travellers with limited 
educational qualications.
 Lower Skilled Waged Employment
 Women below the age of 40 were more likely 
to be working in lower-skilled and low-waged 
employment
 Table 13: Other Employment Paths
 Cleaners 5
 Clerical/ Secretarial/admin 4
 Retail 2
Chapter Five- Waged Employment and Access to Welfare 68
 Respondents within the ?non-professional? 
category (approximately 13% of the sample) 
were predominantly female. Four workers in this 
group were engaged in clerical, secretarial and
 administrative jobs in the private sector. All of 
these respondents were Gypsies and Travellers 
who had accessed formal education. One was 
employed as a high level company secretary/
 PA and came from the Irish Traveller community. 
Her parents had moved into a house prior to 
her birth and she had therefore attended both 
primary and secondary school. Despite her 
close identication with her community this 
woman (and her husband) had adopted more 
?mainstream? practices in that she remained 
working and contributing to household 
expenses and mortgage repayments even 
though she had children. Such behaviours 
are contrary to ?traditional? Traveller gender 
expectations, and thus life histories of this 
type demonstrate the profound changes in 
both gender roles and work related practices 
which have taken place in the space of a single 
generation.
 Of the other seven respondents within this 
category, six women (7% of interviewees) 
were working in relatively low grade, lower 
skilled occupations and in receipt of low (often 
minimum) wages. The occupations followed 
by this sub-group of interviewees consisted 
of working as cleaners, kitchen assistants or in 
the retail sector, jobs which could all relatively 
easily be combined with domestic duties. The 
one male in this group was employed at a more 
senior level than were the women, acting as a 
cleaning supervisor. Only one interviewee in 
this group was aged over forty. The growing 
trend for Gypsy and Traveller women with 
school age children to enter low paid/unskilled 
occupations has been noted in GTANAs and 
in the limited number of research studies 
which explore employment (Cemlyn et al 2009; 
GTANAs summarised in Appendix B).
 A number of the other interviewees (for 
example now in professional roles) reported 
that they had worked in factories and other 
low waged work prior to entering their current 
roles. For these other respondents such work 
had been short term and they typically left paid 
work once better opportunities had arisen in 
the traditional Traveller Economy.
 One interviewee recounted how she alternated 
between traditional and waged employment:
 ?I worked in a factory and after that I worked 
in oces doing some cleaning and after that I 
worked in a chip shop and I still do the traditional 
Traveller work as well in between - seasonal work. 
So I do a kind of mixture of all dierent types of 
work. Working is not too bad because in the eld 
you are working with your own people but in my 
?proper job? you?ve got to interact with a lot of 
dierent people and that is a bit strange? 
(G F 21-30).
 It is less likely that such movement between 
traditional and waged economies will occur in 
the current economic climate and potentially
 therefore lower skilled Gypsies and Travellers 
could nd themselves caught in a ?skills trap? 
where they are unable to nd more lucrative 
or interesting work without attaining further 
qualications.
 Gypsies and Travellers in regular waged 
employment are likely to be sedentary
 Most respondents in the ?lower skilled? category 
were receiving the minimum wage for their 
work. Of the female interviewees who were 
earning low wages, one was a student working 
to help pay for her studies and the remaining 
interviewees had taken such work because 
they were the sole income earners in their 
households, (all being lone parents). Recent 
welfare reforms and forthcoming changes 
announced in the aftermath of the 2010 
Spending Review will increasingly compel lone 
parents to take some form of employment 
even if this does not substantially improve their 
nancial circumstances. Of the women in these 
circumstances who participated in the TEIP all 
were in receipt of ?top up benets? to enhance 
their low wages.
 The accommodation status of participants 
in low paid employment was secure and 
sedentary, enabling them to access regular 
waged work. Half of these interviewees were 
socially housed and half were resident on 
sites which were predominantly owned by 
local authorities. For housed women in work 
in particular (although to a lesser extent 
amongst those resident on authorised sites) 
there is some evidence that the transition 
into paid employment may be inuenced by 
the activity patterns of workers in the wider 
community with whom they reside in close 
proximity (Cemlyn et al 2009). Changing welfare 
regulations will doubtless increase the trend 
for lone parents to move into work although 
Chapter Five - Waged Employment and Access to Welfare 69
 it is likely that for Gypsy and Traveller women 
with low levels of qualications and potentially 
poor literacy skills they may face even greater 
exclusion than other applicants for this type 
of work with resultant downward pressure 
on wages. This trend has added relevance 
considering that the TEIP found the decline of 
the Traveller Economy to be most marked on 
housing estates and local authority sites.
 Despite the relatively low wages earned by 
respondents in this category most of these 
interviewees expressed great pride and 
satisfaction in their employment status, a 
nding which is congruent with the Gypsy/
 Traveller identity trends of self-reliance. 
Overall however, the low levels of educational 
attainment found amongst the wider Gypsy 
and Traveller group, (See further Chapter 9) 
combined with a weakening of the Traveller 
Economy, is likely to mean that increasing 
numbers of Gypsies and Travellers of both 
genders will need to seek employment in low 
waged and unskilled positions in the years to 
come.
 Access to Benets and The Informal Economy
 As stated throughout this report there 
is anecdotal evidence of high levels of 
unemployment amongst Gypsies and Travellers 
as a result of declining work markets. These 
trends are to some extent evidenced by GTANA 
data and supported by the (limited evidence as 
a result of reluctance to self-identify) proxy data 
on take-up of free school meals amongst Gypsy 
and Irish Traveller pupils. The information on 
receipt of free school meals is typically regarded 
as proxy measure to identify rates of poverty 
amongst a range of excluded groups. According 
to data supplied to the TEIP by the Department 
of Education, take up of free school meals 
stands at 46 percent of Irish Travellers and 39 
percent of Gypsy/Romany pupils, a gure which 
indicates extremely high levels of economic 
exclusion and reliance on welfare benet 
payments (Department of Education, 2010).
 A common stereotype is that Gypsies and 
Travellers work in the informal economy
 A commonly levelled accusation against Gypsies 
and Travellers made within the ?popular press? 
is that members of these communities have 
a tendency to work in the informal economy 
where tax is rarely paid. It has been argued 
that such perceptions are highly inammatory, 
posit inated gures for such activities and 
are founded on prejudice and stereotype 
(Webster and Millar, 2001; Kabachnik, 2009). 
Informal work is dened as ?production of 
goods and services which take place outside 
formal employment, i.e. in black or grey parts 
of the economy (Pfau-Enger, et al. 2003). 
Money does not always exchange hands in such 
transactions and in some cases it is based on 
reciprocity and exchange of mutual support 
(Evans, 2001). Research ndings consistently 
note how, within the limited economic 
prospects of a post industrial society, some 
marginalised groups have secured greater 
(relative) economic well-being by opting to be 
located in the informal economy (small scale 
?cash-in-hand? work in addition to receipt of 
Benets) as opposed to engaging with low 
waged labour (Smith, 2005). This strategy, 
in common to that utilised by members of 
any other marginalised community has been 
adopted by some Gypsies and Travellers. In 
particular, for individuals who have low levels 
of formal education and limited opportunities 
in the waged economy it is a logical economic 
strategy to opt to participate in the informal 
economy on occasion.
 A common tabloid press stereotype is that many 
Gypsies and Travellers are ?cash rich? ?wheeler 
dealers? who are working in the informal 
economy. For example, Richard Littlejohn of 
the Daily Mail made a vitriolic attack on the 
publication of a book about Travellers? culture 
and values. Littlejohn claims he knows what the 
story should really say:
 ?Here in the real world, Tess would be claiming 
welfare benets while pocketing the cash without 
declaring it to the taxman. She would be driving 
a ?50,000 Toyota Landcruiser (running on red 
agricultural diesel) with a stolen lawn-mower 
in the boot; living on either an illegal camp site 
or in a subsidised council house; and running a 
tarmacking gang? (Daily Mail, 12th August 2009).
 In practice, evidence from the TEIP found very 
low levels of engagement with the informal 
economy with some participants reporting 
that they had resorted to such work only when 
times were extremely dicult or they knew that 
declaring income to the Benets agency for a 
one-o or very short term piece of work would 
lead to stoppage of benets and diculties 
in re-establishing a claim, potentially leading 
them into rent arrears or other forms of debt. 
Chapter Five- Waged Employment and Access to Welfare 70
 Thus, working in the informal economy is 
closely linked to the discussion on benets 
disincentives exercised above when considering 
volunteering opportunities.
 Those working in the informal economy are 
particularly vulnerable
 Despite the stereotypes utilised by Littlejohn 
in the above article the majority of people 
working in the informal economy are highly 
vulnerable, seeking to escape the extreme 
poverty and exploitation of low paid jobs 
(Need not Greed,2009) and the complexities 
of the benets system which have an eective 
combined tax rate of considerably greater than 
the rate paid by the highest earners in this 
country (essentially a benets taper in excess 
of 85% of earnings for those claiming top-up 
earning to assist with their rent and council tax 
? see further, Centre for Social Justice, 2009)
 As noted above the benets system is highly 
bureaucratic and inexible leading to serious 
delays and a loss of benet for those who 
work uctuating hours, as is the case with 
many Gypsies and Travellers working in the 
traditional Traveller Economy. Accordingly, such 
an inexible system creates a major disincentive 
to declare monies earned in addition to Benet 
payments (Russell, 2009). For some interviewees 
low pay could act as a disincentive to entering 
the labour market. One female respondent said:
 ??.it wasn?t really worth me taking a [full time] 
job because I have so many kids in schools I would 
have to pay for all their dinners and you know by 
the time you have paid out everything you have 
basically nothing left. It wasn?t worth taking it and 
I found it better for myself having this job [part 
time cleaner]? (G F 31-40).
 No evidence was found amongst the TEIP 
sample of sustained involvement in the informal 
economy
 No evidence of protracted work in the informal 
economy was found amongst the TEIP sample, 
and there was a perception by interviewees that 
working in the informal economy was heavily 
laden with risk, including the danger of loss of 
benets and being prosecuted. When cash in 
hand work had been undertaken it was often 
as an alternative to claiming benets in periods 
of lean economic activity and thus involved 
non-payment of tax (which would often equate 
to less than the benets claimed) rather than 
receipt of welfare payments:
 ?I just pay my 105 pounds a month for my council 
tax and pay my bills and I?m doing it myself, I?m 
not getting any benets. I think I know my way 
around?. but when you are on benets you are 
under a lot stress all the time. You are trying to 
make that money last for one week to another. I 
just go to the boot sale 2-3 times a week you can 
pay the bills o, you are doing it yourself? 
(IT F 31-40).
 Help is needed for some people to move into 
the formal economy
 There was a perception amongst a number 
of interviewees that Gypsy and Traveller 
community members needed greater 
assistance to assist them in regulating their 
economic activities so that they could move 
into the formal economy without falling foul 
of bureaucratic and regulatory requirements 
which might expose them to penalties. One 
community group outlined the nature of the 
support it provided to Gypsy and Traveller small 
trades people while highlighting the fears some 
community members had about moving from 
working in the informal economy to the formal 
economy:
 ?We help them starting o. We show how to 
keep the books in order because at the end of the 
year when they come back to us to help to sort 
everything out if we can show how to do it before, 
it makes their and our job a lot easier. The majority 
of them are just terried of going on the system in 
case the taxman comes and gets what they want 
and when everything you own is in your vehicle 
and in your caravan there is a big fear about what 
they might take o you. What we?ve been doing 
through word of mouth and through seminars is 
- we say ?look if you get yourself formal you?ve got 
more of a chance, they are taking o you anyway 
so let?s get you sorted, let?s get you in the system?. 
Even things what we take for granted you know 
like a bank account, National Insurance Card just 
general ID; a lot of Travellers just don?t have it? 
(G M 31-40).
 Several interviewees suggested that a tax 
amnesty would help to increase the number of 
Gypsies and Travellers formalising their work 
practises. As is demonstrated by the above 
quote a strong fear exists that individuals 
operating in an ?irregular? manner will be 
penalised heavily for a history of working 
outside of ?the system? and thus lose what few 
Chapter Five - Waged Employment and Access to Welfare 71
 assets they have acquired.
 Regrettably, the prospects of a tax amnesty 
being granted are unlikely owing to the 
complexities of the tax system.
 The key state strategy for dealing with ?the 
informal economy? is enforcement when 
alternative approaches could potentially limit 
irregularities and encourage Gypsies and 
Travellers to engage with ?the system?
 Over time, the tendency in policy terms 
has been for an emphasis on reduction of 
benet fraud and tax evasion, which has been 
prioritised over approaches to tackling social 
exclusion (ODPM 2006). Anecdotal evidence 
suggests that a number of high prole raids on 
Traveller sites by the Inland Revenue have left 
some Gypsies and Travellers with the perception 
that the authorities are more interested in 
enforcement than support to reduce informal 
economic practices amongst members of the 
communities.
 To date no targeted specically tailored 
programme exists, designed to assist Gypsies 
and Travellers in conforming with more formal 
practices. Scope clearly exists for the Small 
Business Service; Neighbourhood Renewal Unit; 
DWP and Department of Trade and Industry 
to consider devising initiatives which include 
formalisation business support and start up 
packages for Gypsies and Travellers.
 TEIP found resistance to welfare benet take-up 
amongst Gypsies and Irish Travellers.
 Although access to benets focused specically 
on ?unemployment? or Job Seekers Allowance 
rather than receipt of Income Support benets 
payable to lone parents on low wages or 
who are unemployed; we found signicant 
resistance to long-term take-up of benets 
Table 14: Take-up of Unemployment Benets amongst the TEIP sample
 *.Diagram based on 65 percent response rate 
(56/86 Gypsies and Irish Travellers interviewed)
 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60%
 Claimed (unspecied)
 Claimed for Short Period
 Never Claimed 50%
 30.36%
 19.64%
 Unemployed Benet
Chapter Five- Waged Employment and Access to Welfare 72
 amongst our sample (who by denition are 
engaged in economic activities and thus not 
necessarily representative of Gypsy and Traveller 
communities as a whole given the increasing 
rates of welfare dependency).
 Amongst the Gypsy and Irish Traveller sample 
16 interviewees had received unemployment 
benet for a short period (generally for a few 
months and less than a year) and a further 12 
interviewees had accessed such benets for an 
unspecied period. Twenty eight respondents 
indicated they had never been in receipt of 
unemployment benets. For those interviewees 
who had claimed Benets this had usually 
been utilised for a short time during periods 
of economic inactivity between seasonal work 
and generally for short periods. A number 
of interviewees reported that they had only 
claimed benet once in their lives or were single 
parents with young children and thus were 
dependents on Benets to survive. Contrary 
to popular stereotypes there seemed to be a 
strong level of resistance to accepting benets 
which is regarded as a shameful inability to 
conform to the Gypsy/Traveller cultural virtues 
of independence:
 ?No. Why should I? [take benet] Because at the 
end of the day you take money that you shouldn?t 
have to take when you can go out and look after 
yourself and earn your own living? (IT M 31-40)
 ?Never [signed on] it?s not in our culture or ethics 
in our family, it?s banned. I did waitressing and 
other jobs in the sixth form and at university even 
though some students signed on in the summer? 
(IT F 41-50).
 ?I never signed on, never had social. Years ago 
there was no such thing as social, no child benet 
then either. I get 94 pounds a week but if I want to 
apply I can get more but I won?t go cap in hand to 
anyone. If they owe me they can pay me? 
(G M 81-90).
 Rather than claim benets when there was a 
down-turn in work, interviewees indicated that 
there would be an expectation of in-family 
kin group based support or assistance of the 
wider community to obtain temporary work, 
a  signicant benet of membership of a group 
with strong bonding capital:
 ?I paid my taxes like everyone else but there were 
times when I was out of work and had to do a bit 
of job creation and fruit picking. You had to? 
(G M 71-80).
 Negative views on receipt of welfare Benets 
clearly led to some of the interviewees or their 
family members declining to take up benets 
to which they were entitled, no doubt causing 
extra hardship for families on the economic 
margins. The TEIP ndings mirror evidence 
obtained by the CRE, which reported that 
Gypsies and Travellers not taking up benets as 
a result of cultural resistance as well as literacy 
diculties which limited awareness of rights 
and the ability to complete application forms.
 Decline of Traveller Economy leading to Welfare 
dependency
 The decline in the Traveller Economy has in 
some locations been extreme and localised. In 
2003 site managers reported that ?on seven out 
of ten? sites surveyed a minority of households 
were in work, in some cases, with less than 
ten per cent of residents actively involved in 
employment (Niner, 2003). For such Gypsies and 
Travellers access to benets could be the only 
route through which they could aord to pay 
rental charges on pitch; thus creating a situation 
where receipt of Benets could ironically oer 
a better nancial option than casualised, low 
waged employment (see above for further 
discussion on the linkage between the benets 
system, volunteering and low paid work). One 
interviewee explained how the availability of 
low waged employment could act as a deterrent 
to entry into work:
 ?I didn?t have no money that?s one reason [signed 
on] and the other reason is ....if you?re not signing 
on it?s very hard to get a property for starters 
unless you rent it. It?s very hard to get your own 
property, it?s much easier if you are on the dole to 
get your own property and the other things like 
dental care. There?s a lot of things that you?d have 
to pay for if you work. Sometimes that?s what stops 
most of the people actually getting jobs because 
if they lose their dole they are losing their home, 
they?re losing everything, everything that they?ve 
known all their life. It?s going to be very hard for 
someone who thinks about working because 
by the time I get my wages I have to spend it on 
paying my way. I?m working for nothing? 
(IT F 21-30).
 One Traveller who lived on a local authority site 
gave some indication of the level of welfare 
dependency in localised spaces of acute social 
exclusion and the way in which such depths of 
poverty were leading to fragmentation of values 
of self-reliance and other ideals common to 
Gypsy and Traveller communities:
Chapter Five - Waged Employment and Access to Welfare 73
 ?When I was growing up and was 15 I saw the 
young Traveller girls struggling on their 60 pound 
[benet] and I thought I?m not having that. I think 
it?s very hard going on the dole, you can?t live like 
that. A lot of Travellers said to me ?You are posh to 
say that!? and I said ?How do you cope on 60 pound 
a fortnight? You can?t cope on that.? I?ve never been 
on that? (IT F 21-30)
 Concerns exist about the suitability of Jobcentre 
support for Gypsies and Travellers
 A number of interviewees were critical of 
support given to community members at 
the Jobcentre, reecting evidence found 
elsewhere of dissatisfaction with support from 
employment services (CRE, 2004; Cemlyn et. 
al., 2009 and reports from some GTANAs). 
One interviewee?s comments (below) indicate 
that Gypsies and Travellers may not be clearly 
included as a priority group in Jobcentre priority 
groups and positive action measures leading to 
frustration:
 ?A couple of times I?ve actually been into the 
Jobcentre when I was unemployed and they 
actually told me ??there was no help and 
support?one of the times I actually know they 
had a lot of funding [for minority and priority 
groups]. I actually went in there and I said I?d like 
help and support and I know about this and I 
wasn?t being cocky about it and they said you 
don?t fall into that criteria, [so I asked] ?Who does?? 
and then he explained it and then he said because 
obviously I?m at this age range because I?m white 
I?m not such and such and I found that very 
strange? (G M 21-30).
 Other interviewees were angered by the lack of 
cultural awareness demonstrated by Jobcentre 
Advisers, who for example suggested that they 
should not use their Traveller site address when 
making job applications:
 ?I?ve applied for loads of jobs like cleaning and 
don?t even get a response back and then you go 
to the Jobcentre advisors and they say ?Well use 
someone else?s address!? Why should I? I?m proud 
of who I am. I think the site address is the main 
problem because they don?t even give you the 
chance? (G F 31-40).
 Given the decline in the numbers employed 
in the traditional Traveller Economy and the 
increasing challenges they face, Jobcentres 
may play a greater role in helping Gypsies and 
Travellers seek greater economic inclusion 
in the future. In its response to the European 
Commission against Racism and Intolerance 
fourth periodic report on the UK (ECRI, 2010), 
the previous Government acknowledged the 
growing economic pressures that Gypsies and 
Travellers are facing, proposing that Jobcentre 
Plus, (the agency which helps people of working 
age into employment), can provide specialist 
support, in particular, recommending that 
Jobcentre advisors should ?forge strong links? 
and engage with local Gypsy and Traveller 
groups to assist community members into work.
 The Institute of Public Policy Research (IPPR), 
discussing the increasing reliance on Jobcentre 
?personal advisors? reported on the good intent 
behind the increase in such sta:
 ?When boiled down, the traditional model of 
welfare involved little more than a Department 
for Social Security employee sat behind a desk, 
processing paperwork and handing job adverts 
and benet payments to the unemployed. This 
impersonal and bureaucratic approach to 
supporting the unemployed was ineective. In 
an attempt to rectify this, each job seeker is now 
allocated a Personal Adviser? (IPPR 2009)
 In practice however, the TEIP found evidence 
that Gypsy and Traveller clients have not always 
received useful and helpful advice from advisers 
(see above). The value of Jobcentre advisors 
depend to a great extent on the quality of the 
personal relationship which can be established 
between client and advisor as well as utilising 
knowledge and insight into a client?s culture 
and experiences that an adviser can use in 
developing tailored support.
 Research conducted for the DWP has shown 
respondents in general expressed almost 
overwhelmingly negative comments about 
their interactions with sta in Jobcentres during 
the period in which they did not have access 
to a Personal Adviser. Concerns ranged from 
lengthy queues in oces, to insucient time 
for interaction with sta. (Bickerstae et al, 
2009). Given the educational and skills prole 
of unemployed Gypsies and Travellers, this 
group is likely to be prominent amongst those 
who suer from a lack of interaction with sta. 
Without considerable cultural awareness into 
the needs Gypsy and Traveller communities 
Jobcentre Advisors may prove equally 
ineectual in assisting this population back 
into suitable work. We would therefore strongly 
Chapter Five- Waged Employment and Access to Welfare 74
 recommend that both ethnic monitoring of 
Gypsy and Traveller use of services (in common 
with data on other BME service users) and 
cultural awareness training for sta should be 
regarded as a priority
 Jobcentre Plus views Gypsies and Travellers as a 
lifestyle choice and not an ethnic minority
 To the considerable disquiet of the TEIP, a DWP 
ocial with responsibility for working with 
disadvantaged groups (including Gypsies and 
Travellers) stated in response to a request for 
information that Jobcentre Plus does not collect 
data on the numbers of Gypsies and Travellers 
who use the service. The reason stated for this 
lack of administrative record keeping was that 
Gypsies and Travellers are distinguished by the 
lifestyle they have adopted (demonstrating 
a confusion between New Travellers who are 
not recognised as an ethnic group and ?ethnic? 
Gypsies and Travellers. The DWP argued that 
as any potential customer is free to adopt 
a travelling lifestyle, inclusion of a separate 
category in ethnic monitoring would mix 
information about ethnicity with information 
about lifestyle, thereby diminishing the value of 
the data (correspondence from DWP received 
6/5/2010). This misunderstanding of the 
culture and identity of Gypsies and Travellers 
at the highest level indicates why many sta at 
Jobcentres are unable to provide appropriate 
advice in relation to supporting these minority 
groups and demonstrates the urgent need for 
training and guidance on these issues for DWP 
sta.
 Reection and Conclusion
 This chapter which has explored both ends 
of the economic inclusion spectrum from 
highly skilled and waged professionals to 
those working with low waged casualised 
employment indicates that the picture of Gypsy 
and Traveller economic inclusion is complex. On 
one hand there are clear indications of greater 
levels of entry into managerial positions, with 
such activities oering scope for emerging role 
models and community leaders to challenge 
exclusion and stereotypes. In contrast, limited 
educational achievement and participation 
amongst many community members may 
produce constraints on such trends and, 
combined with a decline in traditional Traveller 
working practices, lead to increasing numbers 
becoming dependent on low paid jobs where 
the prospects for progress and advancement 
are limited, a state of aairs that is not helped 
by the dearth of specialist short training courses 
and failing support structures in Jobcentres.
 In practice, for many ambitious Gypsies and 
Travellers employment within specialist 
community sectors may oer the most eective 
way to enhance their career options and 
economic inclusion, and it is to the topic of the 
opportunities aorded by community work that 
we turn to in Chapter Six.
Chapter Six
 Working for the Community
Chapter Six - Working for the Community  76
 Chapter Six
 Working for the Community
 Introduction
 Ten years ago only a small number of 
community organisations working with Gypsies 
and Travellers were in a position to be able to 
employ sta. Nationally it was believed that 
only around ve people were employed in 
third sector agencies to work with Gypsies and 
Travellers through community organisations, 
an extremely low number given the estimated 
300,000 strong community (CRE. 2006). A 
decade ago none of these employed third 
sector sta were actually Gypsies and Travellers, 
although a number of community members 
were known to be employed in the public sector 
as site managers, Gypsy-Traveller liaison ocers 
and classroom assistants working with Traveller 
Education Services. The exponential increase 
in Gypsy and Traveller related third sector 
posts has taken place in the past few years, and 
extremely positively, there has been a dramatic 
increase in the number of community members 
employed to undertake these jobs, as well as 
working as sessional workers or volunteers on 
specic projects.
 Despite the increase in recent years in numbers 
of Gypsy and Traveller community groups there 
are still very few for the size of the population 
(when compared with other BME ?third sector? 
agencies)
 In addition to the increase in size and number 
of national groups, within the last ten years 
there has also been a sharp rise in the number 
of smaller scale local community groups which 
have been set up by Gypsies and Travellers 
and which employ community members as 
paid sta. Despite this increase the relative 
overall number of third sector agencies remains 
extremely small in comparison to agencies 
operated by other ethnic minority groups. 
The Black Training & Enterprise Group (BTEG) 
undertook research into the The State of the 
Caribbean Voluntary and Community Sector in 
England (BTEG, 2009). The resulting report
 calculated that there are at least 850 Caribbean 
Voluntary and Community Sector groups 
(CVCOs) operating in England of which 80% 
of these groups provided services directly to 
their local community. Whilst the Caribbean 
community is approximately three times the 
size of the estimated Gypsy and Traveller 
population, it is of grave concern that the 
National Equality Partnership review (NEP, 2008) 
found twenty one Gypsy and Traveller groups 
on the list of registered charities, a tiny gure 
when compared to the number of Caribbean 
and other ethnic minority agencies. Whilst it is 
probable that a considerable number of Gypsy 
and Traveller community groups are too small 
to be registered charities or lack incorporated 
legal and charitable status (agencies described 
by McCabe and Phillimore, 2010 as ?below the 
radar?) and are thus outside the list of registered 
charities, clear disproportionality exists in terms 
of available services for these communities, 
an indicative sign of lack of ?mainstream? social 
capital. The importance of community groups to 
the development of ethnic minority economic 
inclusion is highlighted in the Black Manifesto 
(BM, 2010):
 ?Black and Minority Ethnic Third Sector 
Organisations play an extremely important role in 
ensuring that the worst eects of socio-economic 
and racial disadvantage are alleviated in some of 
the poorest sections of British society. Driven by 
their social purpose they have sought to address 
failures in public policy and ineciencies in the 
operations of markets. Local regeneration has 
been one of their primary goals seeking greater 
levels of equity which delivers additional benets 
of greater levels of social cohesion and civic 
engagement? (BM, 2010: 22).
 Within the remainder of this chapter we explore 
the benets to individual Gypsies and Travellers 
and their wider communities of working within 
such specialist community support agencies; 
present respondents? experiences of making 
the transition to such work and highlight 
transferable recruitment and support lessons 
that can be applied to other employment 
sectors.
 Routes into Gypsy and Traveller ?community? 
employment
 A small but growing number of Gypsies and 
Travellers are employed in the third sector
 A key nding for the TEIP was the high number 
of Gypsy and Traveller interviewees who were 
working directly with their own communities, 
for example in Traveller Education (as teachers 
or teaching assistants); Gypsy-Traveller liaison 
roles or in Gypsy/Traveller site management 
posts. We have classied a range of employment 
types (in local authority, private sector and 
social enterprise organizations) as ?community?
Chapter Six - Working for the Community  77
 employment where Gypsy and Traveller 
interviewees work directly with members of 
their own communities in specialised posts.
 For interviewees in ?waged? employment (see 
Chapter 5) the largest single category consisted 
of respondents working in ?community roles? 
comprising (25 interviewees/28 percent) of 
the sample. Whilst a number of respondents 
were working in managerial/social entrepeneur 
positions, the majority of respondents in 
?community? posts were classied as being 
in skilled waged employment. Seventeen 
respondents had entered into these community 
roles within the last ve years and were 
employed primarily in outreach and community 
development demonstrating the rapid 
growth in this type of work in recent years. 
Six interviewees were engaged in the sector 
as volunteers or sessional workers employed 
on short term projects within third sector 
community groups.
 Female Gypsies and Travellers are more likely 
than men to work in third sector employment
 Approximately three quarters of the Gypsy 
and Traveller employees we interviewed in 
community posts were female, mirroring 
national trends which demonstrate that 
women are employed in community work in far 
greater numbers than are men (ONS, 2009). For 
Gypsies and Travellers the trend towards this 
type of employment also appears to reect a 
growing political awareness and involvement in 
campaigning for Travellers? rights (Acton 1997, 
Greenelds and Home, 2007) which has been 
an explicit route into this eld for a number of 
interviewees. One interviewee posited that the 
lower level of male engagement in this eld is 
reective of the fact that Traveller men preferred 
undertaking more ?traditional? masculine roles, 
and would nd it dicult to t into an oce 
environment. Thus, such employment was more 
likely to be considered suitable for women:
 ?Men are self-employed. I can?t see many Traveller 
men working in an oce but then again they 
never really got the chance to. I?m being old-
 fashioned when I say that but I just
 personally think I couldn?t see my father come up 
here and working in an oce as a Community 
Development Worker. It is alright for women 
because you?re working for your own community. 
It is alright to work for your own community 
because it is still a question of trust. I don?t know 
what their husbands would feel if they knew they 
were working in pubs or for other communities 
and things. I don?t think that would be allowed? 
(IT F 21-30).
 All of the female employees working in the 
community sector were literate although not 
all had completed school or gained formal 
qualications. Interestingly, fty percent of 
the waged community workers had returned 
to education after a gap in educational 
participation with the explicit intention of 
improving their literacy or gaining further 
qualications. One of the interviewees 
recounted that although she had not been 
qualied to apply for a Traveller Education 
Service vacancy the organisation had given her 
encouragement and support on gaining further 
qualications which eventually led to her 
employment in the sector.
 ??.when I applied for the job that I?m doing now 
with the Traveller children I didn?t get the job 
because I told them the truth that I didn?t have 
a lot of education. The next interview I went to 
they said it would help if I agreed to go back and 
improve my literacy and numeracy skills so I went 
back to college. I did basic levels 1 and 2 in literacy 
and numeracy. I?ve made some lovely friends. I 
built up some condence like at the beginning 
I was very shy and embarrassed of my age to 
go learning all this and plus I learnt a lot in the 
schools. The good thing is I met some lovely people 
and made friends, it gave me more condence. I 
thought it would have been a lot harder but the 
only thing I regret is I wish I did it 20 years before 
that? (IT F 41-50).
 A number of respondents reported that 
most of their skills had been learnt in their 
new work environments, whilst working 
alongside colleagues from non-Gypsy/Traveller 
backgrounds. However, making the transition 
to oce environments and engaging with 
organisational expectations of mainstream work 
cultures could at rst be bewildering for some 
Gypsies and Travellers:
 ?I?m respected here but the downside is not having 
had the education a lot people have got. A lot 
of them have been to college and university and 
their everyday way of speaking and jargon is a lot 
dierent to mine. Not all words but some I have 
diculty with and have problems with myself 
thinking am I dumb, when I speak is it coming out 
like a broad accent or just uneducated and that 
bothered me for a while. Now my condence is 
such that I say well that?s the way I am and I speak 
Chapter Six - Working for the Community  78
 like I do and that?s it. I speak from the heart not the 
hip, I am what I am? (G M 41-50).
 Even though tailored community services 
are directly related to meeting the needs of 
Gypsies and Travellers it can be seen that work 
environments could pose a cultural challenge 
for community members moving into this 
eld of work. However, all the respondents 
interviewed in this sector had successfully 
transcended barriers to work and were thriving 
in this employment sector.
 Personal experience of service use can be a 
trigger for third sector involvement
 A major route into working in third sector 
community agencies had been experiences 
of engaging with mainstream services or 
facing circumstances where support had been 
required. A signicant number of community 
workers reported that they had been involved in 
planning disputes relating to purchase of land 
and unauthorised developments (see further 
Chapter 8 on accommodation issues). These 
experiences had triggered a desire to share their 
acquired knowledge and assist other Gypsies 
and Travellers in similar circumstances:
 ?We had nothing. Now there is such great help, 
but still there are a lot of Travellers out there who 
don?t understand there is help out there for them. 
They don?t understand that [Community Group] is 
here to help them, they don?t understand that they 
can come up to [Community Group] and get them 
to do this and do that. Basically I want to help my 
own community get what they deserve. I want 
them to have proper accommodation, people like 
my parents, my grandparents and my own family. 
I?m not just helping my own family but there are 
many people? ..[that] have all these needs? (IT F 
21-30).
 Third sector employment can lead to signicant 
sta pressure.
 Whilst enjoying their work and recognising the 
value of what they were doing, a number of
 respondents reported that working in a 
community role could lead to signicant 
pressures on sta. Several respondents reported 
being approached outside of working hours for 
help and assistance on issues which were not 
in their work remit. In addition, others found it 
dicult to separate problems which occurred at 
work and the impacts on their clients from their 
own personal lives:
 ?..if you don?t take time o you get a bit burnt 
out so you?ve got to watch [out]. I?d like to have 
more time for myself because we are very family-
 orientated and I?m nding the whole thing that 
I?m doing very time consuming. I think the reason 
that is happening is that there is not enough good 
quality support services for Gypsy and Traveller 
people countrywide? (G F 41-50).
 Despite the pressures, when contrasted 
with their experiences of unpaid activism it 
was generally agreed that a structured work 
environment could lead to a better work/
 life balance than working on an independent 
basis. Some interviewees who had worked as 
unpaid activists in the past found that being 
a part of a professional team with a range of 
support roles and access to sta support, could 
signicantly reduce the stress and anxiety they 
had experienced as activists:
 ?It is exactly the same job that I was doing before 
but I am being paid for it. When I was doing it 
voluntarily I was running a home, looking after 
two children and some people knew my landline 
number so they called me at home all the time 
and I couldn?t catch up with the things at home. 
I couldn?t deal with the children and nobody 
supported me and it was too much to cope with. 
Then when I took on this job the manager said if 
somebody rings you up now about being evicted 
or the police have pulled them over you say ?hang 
on a minute I?m going to give you a telephone 
number, this is the number of [community group] 
and we?ve got a case worker there that deals 
with things like this and you can ring her up? and 
instantly the pressure has gone. I have been told 
what my job is, I know what I have to deal with 
now. I?ve got a mobile phone, a work phone. This 
job just made me so much happier and I can 
prioritise things, I can plan my day and it makes 
my life a lot easier? (G F 31-40).
 Interviewees revealed that supporting fellow 
community members experiencing acute 
exclusion could also be frustrating. This was 
especially so when little immediate support 
and help could be delivered and there were 
restrictions (often related to pressure on 
resources) on how much support could be 
provided:
 ?One of the ?downs? I think is that progress to take 
issues forward for Gypsies and Travellers is a hard 
slog. I think if I was doing it for homeless dogs or 
homeless kittens I would get a lot more help and 
support from the wider community and councils. 
When you say I?m working for Gypsies and 
Chapter Six - Working for the Community  79
 Travellers it?s like a grey screen comes over their 
eyes and they immediately start backing away 
?We?d like to but....? ? (G F 41-50).
 An unexpected disadvantage for some 
interviewees was the perception of some 
Gypsies and Travellers that once they (the 
interviewee) became a paid worker they 
were no longer fully part of the community. 
Additionally, some respondents reported that, 
if they worked with mainstream services and 
acted as intermediaries, supporting families 
around service provision, they were personally 
blamed when third parties were deemed to 
have failed to deliver on promises:
 ?When I started to work here there was talk going 
around and people saying ?Can we trust her?? or 
?Is she a kind of like a ?country person?, a settled 
person. Is she going to be like them?? or ?Can we 
say this to her?? ?. For a long time I was trying to 
work out my way to prove to them that because 
I?m working here it does not mean I?m not one 
of ?them?. The other side of it is when I used to 
introduce people to the site where they were doing 
something if they didn?t do what they were telling 
people, they said things to my mum and it comes 
back on me? it would come back as a family 
thing?. (IT F 21-30)
 Some respondents noted that working in 
institutions such as schools or community 
groups could lead to peer group pressure 
to conform to perceived accepted group 
behaviours rather than adhering to 
institutionally expected roles and values. In 
addition, some forms of employment (for 
example health or social care work) was 
deemed to fall outside of traditional cultural 
expectations creating signicant pressures and 
at times gossip if (for example) someone was 
not behaving in a way considered appropriate 
to their gender or age (Greenelds, 2008). For 
sta working for, or involved with institutions 
which did not always have the trust of the 
community (e.g. local authorities) complex 
social negotiations and self-doubts could 
arise over whether to remain working in such 
jobs or whether an individual should distance 
themselves residentially from the community 
rather than be seen as a representative of an 
external (and at times hostile) agency:
 ?I moved o a site because I didn?t want to live 
on a site. I didn?t want the hassle [of] when you 
are doing a job. I worked at special needs in a 
school. It was OK but when I was going to school I 
had the challenging from my peers as well as the 
challenging at school. I had school kids go on to 
me saying ?You are a Gypsy.? and then I had the 
challenging from my peers ?You are not a Traveller 
if you can read and write. You are not a Traveller if 
you are going to work in school? ? (G F 31-40).
 Being a community member is an asset when 
working in the third sector with Gypsies and 
Travellers
 In contrast to the diculties and frustrations 
which could occur for sta members making 
the transition to working alongside mainstream 
services, a large number of interviewees 
believed that being of the community meant 
that they were trusted by their client group. 
Community workers repeatedly stated that 
their shared experiences helped them to 
understand the needs of their client group, 
as well as giving them an ability to eectively 
communicate with their clients. The trust of 
members of the community was frequently 
cited as an important factor that assisted sta 
in delivering eective support and tailored 
projects. Rostas (2010) writing of Roma projects 
in Europe made the point that when trust is 
lacking this is a major factor leading to projects 
failing to eectively engage with and mobilise 
the community as a whole,, a factor recognized 
by the TEIP interviewees:
 ?The biggest skill of all is being a Traveller, because 
it automatically shows trust from another 
Traveller to a Traveller. The other thing is you can 
understand their needs and sometimes you just 
make a decision of your own back because you 
know the circumstances of the other Travellers. 
Being a Traveller you know what Travellers want, 
so you?ve got to have good communication skills 
and trust skills and you?ve got to be able to take 
your own initiative sometime? (IT F 21-30)
 Positive action can be important in recruiting to 
community posts
 Many of the community workers the TEIP 
interviewed had been employed under ?positive 
action? principles where uncerticated skills 
are considered and a good knowledge of the 
community is dened as an essential factor to 
be taken into account throughout the short-
 listing and selection process (See Chapter 
One for further discussion). As considered 
earlier, positive action is distinct from positive 
discrimination as it does allow people with 
skills but who do not necessarily have paper 
Chapter Six - Working for the Community  80
 qualications the opportunity to compete 
for work on an equal footing, but does not 
involve tokenism or quotas or sta being 
employed solely because of their ethnicity. One 
interviewee actively opposed the concept of 
both positive action and positive discrimination 
on pragmatic grounds, identifying that such an 
approach was counterproductive to attaining 
equality and could diminish community 
cohesion:
 ?I think if you start making it ?Traveller only? you 
start making it elitist and as soon as you start 
making it elitist in my mind you?ve lost the battle. 
One of the biggest things we?re ghting for is 
equality, and you can?t have equality if you don?t 
include a lot of people. I?m a Gypsy man myself 
and I?d love nothing better than to employ a load 
of Travellers, but common sense says that?s not 
right because as soon as you start employing just 
Travellers there?s loads of qualied people out 
there who can?t nd work and who would say 
?everything is going towards the Gypsies? or ?the 
Gypsies are getting special treatment?. So if we 
treat everybody equal it helps to ease community 
tensions? (G M 31-40).
 In contrast, in some cases interviewees 
expressed resentment that their membership 
of the community was not more widely 
appreciated by employers:
 ?A job came up, an Assistant Gypsy Liaison Ocer 
and the only time I had problems with getting 
a job was with the very job I thought I would 
have got. But I didn?t even get an interview, 
and basically, I was told that I didn?t get the job 
because I didn?t have the qualications to work 
in the eld of Gypsies. I just couldn?t believe it 
because I would have had more qualications 
than anybody else because I don?t read about 
Gypsies in books, I?ve experienced it? (G F 31-40).
 Positive action works in terms of practical 
outcomes and achieving economic inclusion
 One interviewee recounted the ways in which 
her employer, (a local authority), had been 
exible on the question of qualications and 
had promised to provide support and training 
when she was in post:
 ?We were going to be evicted and needed a place 
to go. I met [council ocial] to see if he could help. 
[The council ocial] invited me to take part in a 
?myth busting report? [about Gypsy and Traveller 
issues] they were preparing. A week later I was 
asked if I would like to work on Gypsy and Traveller 
issues and I said to them ?I have no qualications, I 
can?t work a computer, I?ve only just learnt how to 
use a mobile phone?.
 They said though they would train me. At the time 
I was sceptical but said I would think about it. They 
told me the job was engaging with the community 
and helping with form lling and outreach work. 
My condence was low because of the eviction but 
a family member persuaded me. I thought ?well 
I haven?t had enough training or education, I?ve 
never been the best speller or writer, I only know 
about the work I?ve done like scrap, I didn?t think I 
would be capable?? (G F 41-50).
 With the support of her employers and access 
to training this interviewee has developed into 
a highly respected and eective local authority 
employee.
 Community groups are important in tackling 
social exclusion
 In the introduction we identied that important 
opportunities to positively aect both the 
employment rates of community members 
and the delivery of services are being missed 
as a result of the paucity of Gypsy and Traveller 
community sector agencies. Whilst there is 
still signicant room for improvement and 
development of the sector, in recognition of the 
capabilities and need within Gypsy and Traveller 
communities, work is being undertaken 
to develop and support localised capacity 
building by a small group of core agencies such 
as The National Federation of Gypsy Liaison 
Groups, Travellers Aid Trust, The Irish Traveller 
Movement in Britain and the Northern Network 
of Travelling People. For a more in-depth 
discussion on good practice recommendations 
for community groups see Chapter 11.
 Conclusion
 The experiences recounted within this chapter 
reveal the huge challenges facing community 
members who are employed in the third sector. 
These challenges revolve around balancing 
competing community expectations, ensuring 
that trust is retained and attempting to ensure 
an appropriate work/social life balance as well 
as needing to develop new skills sets whilst in 
post, often whilst unable to access appropriate 
formalised support and training. Given the rapid
 growth in community employment it may be 
Chapter Six - Working for the Community  81
 prudent for community groups to develop 
ways of sharing experiences and build common 
formal support structures and training packages 
which are culturally specic to the needs and 
challenges facing this group of sta.
 Involvement in community groups and working 
in targeted services hold the potential for 
community activists and workers to achieve 
important positions in decision making arenas 
as well as accessing platforms to eectively 
mediate between policy makers and the 
community. A number of well-respected 
individuals exist who have managed to 
achieve this complex balancing act i.e. Peter 
Mercer MBE who formerly worked as a Gypsy 
Liaison Ocer, Siobhan Spencer MBE who 
coordinates the Derbyshire Gypsy Liaison 
Group and Janie Codona a former project 
worker for the Ormiston Trust and Commission 
for Racial Equality commissioner, who is now 
employed by the community led agency ?One 
Voice for Travellers.? All these individuals are 
acknowledged community role models and 
champions. Another notable actor within third 
sector community groups was the late Charles 
Smith who had chaired the Gypsy Council until 
his death. One interviewee noted:
 ?I worked a lot with Charles Smith. I knew Charles 
Smith for many years and worked with him in 
the Gypsy Council and he put his heart and soul 
into representing the Gypsy Council. It was a hard 
task and one with responsibility and Charles met 
that and was an outstanding man with plenty of 
integrity and stood for the truth. Charles was a 
Councillor, Mayor and CRE commissioner. He took 
on the responsibilities and upheld them to the end. 
It shows what you can achieve if you step out and 
try and achieve something? (G M 71-80).
Chapter Seven
 Roma and New Travellers
Chapter Seven - Roma and New Travellers 83
 Chapter Seven
 Roma and New Travellers
 Introduction
 In this chapter we turn to the experiences of 
New Traveller and Roma interviewees who 
participated in the TEIP. As explained in Chapter 
One the project has focused on the experiences 
of Gypsies and Irish Travellers in the UK because 
they are the largest Gypsy and Traveller groups. 
However, as a result of a commitment to 
inclusivity a small number of Roma and New 
Traveller interviewees were included in the 
sample with the intent of examining the ways in 
which their experiences of economic inclusion 
converge and diverge with those of Gypsies and 
Irish Travellers.
 Given the diversely dierent origins of New 
Travellers and Roma and the extremely limited 
research into the culture, employment and 
economic inclusion of members of the groups 
resident in Britain we have elected to discuss 
the two groups separately within a single 
chapter, through presenting both a summary of 
background research into these communities 
and considering the interview data gathered 
from the small sub-sample of community 
members.
 Roma Economic Inclusion
 Four Roma participants took part in the TEIP, 
two male and two female. Within this section 
we refer to their countries of origin as well as 
their accommodation status and educational 
attainment, regarding all of these factors as 
central to understanding their narratives. 
The latter two topics are considered in depth 
(within separate chapters) for the larger groups 
who participated in the project (Gypsies and 
Irish Travellers). No attempt is made to claim 
that these interviewees are representative of 
their community resident in Britain, but their 
narratives are explored to provide a template for 
consideration of economic inclusion strategies 
for Roma in the UK.
 Table 15 Roma Interviewees in the TEIP
 Age and Gender Type ofEmployment
 Level of 
Education
 Type of
 Accommodation
 Country 
of Origin 
Male
 51-60 Teacher University
 Rented
 (Housed) Belorussia
 Male
 31-40
 Outreach
 Worker
 Secondary
 School
 Rented
 (Housed)
 Slovak
 Republic
 Female
 21-30
 Outreach
 Worker
 Secondary
 School
 Rented
 (Housed)
 Slovak
 Republic
 Female
 21-30
 Kitchen
 Worker
 Primary
 School
 Rented
 (Housed)
 Czech
 Republic
Chapter Seven - Roma and New Travellers 84
 Of the four Roma community members 
interviewed three were employed as specialist 
community workers and the fourth was 
employed as a kitchen worker. An additional 
(booster) interview was carried out with a non 
Roma respondent employed at management 
level within a Roma Support Group. The 
TEIP team feel that the inclusion of these 
interviewees into the wider sample and a 
consideration of the broad community roles 
they perform provides a range of insights into 
how best to support the Roma community.
 Background Research into Roma in Britain
 To frame the ndings on Roma?s access to 
employment we have summarised the two 
key research reports (University of West 
Scotland (2008) ?Report on the Situation of the 
Roma Community in Govanhill, Glasgow? and 
European Dialogue (2009) ?Mapping Survey of 
A2 and A8 Roma in England?) containing data 
on Roma experiences of settlement in Britain. 
Attention is paid to the ndings within these 
reports pertaining to economic inclusion and 
contrasted with ndings from the TEIP study.
 The Roma are believed to have identical origins 
to British Romany Gypsies in that they are the 
descendants of migrants from India who left 
the subcontinent approximately 1000 years 
ago (Fraser, 1992:20) and migrated through 
the Middle East and Europe absorbing the 
traditions and languages of host countries 
and fusing them with their own culture during 
their journeys (Stewart, 1997). In common with 
Romany Gypsies (and indeed Irish Travellers) 
Roma operate within close-knit kin networks 
in which tradition and gender roles have been 
important determinants of group dynamics. 
Amongst younger generations of Roma there is 
some evidence of acculturation and
 adaptation to residence in ?post-modern? 
societies although this is relatively limited 
within many Roma communities, particularly 
in Central and Eastern Europe. The nomadic 
tradition amongst Roma is signicantly less 
pronounced than amongst English Gypsies 
as a result of historically severe policies of 
assimilation (Stewart, 1997) and the decimation 
of the Roma population during the Second 
World War (Kenrick, 2006).
 As is well evidenced, Roma across Europe 
experience the lowest standards of living 
and educational attainment and greatest 
rates of discrimination of any population in 
Europe (ERRC, 2009). In common with other 
?ethnic? groups considered within this report 
Roma have a strong tradition of trading and 
entrepreneurialism, although such independent 
economic activities were largely repressed in 
Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries 
under communist regimes? employment 
policies which sought to ?proletarianise? the 
Roma by compelling them to take up (often 
low grade) industrial employment (Sigona 
and Trehan, 2010). After the collapse of the 
communist system in CEE countries the Roma 
were the group most aected by economic and 
structural changes as countries in the region 
moved towards becoming market economies, 
a process which most adversely aected state 
controlled manufacturing and heavy industry 
where they had been employed. In some 
areas in CEE Roma unemployment is ve or 
six times the national average (ERRC, 2009, 5). 
High levels of worklessness and associated 
exclusion have been further compounded by 
poor accommodation and access to services 
due to racial and economic segregation (Sigona 
and Trehan, 2010), most markedly within the 
education system where many Roma have 
been wrongly classied as in need of ?remedial? 
teaching and placed in separate and inferior 
learning environments, predominantly in all 
Roma schools (ERRC, 2008).
 Experiences of acute exclusion, combined with 
an increase in the activity of the far right in 
Central/Eastern Europe, has led to a marked
 decline in the circumstances of Roma. Racist 
attacks on these communities have increased 
dramatically across CEE countries (for example 
eight Roma were murdered in racist attacks in 
Hungary in 2009, ERRC, 2009: 17), prompting 
many Roma to seek a better life in Western 
Europe, Canada and America.
 Roma who have settled in the UK are primarily 
A8 and A2 migrants. Roma migrants from A8 
accession countries (admitted to the EU in 2004) 
are predominantly from Poland and the Czech 
Republic. A2 countries (which became part of 
the EU in 2008) include Romania and Bulgaria 
from where more recent British Roma migrants 
have originated.
 Research by European Dialogue (2009) has 
found that a desire to nd employment which 
is often impossible to access in their home 
countries, has been the strongest motivating 
factor for migrant Roma (cited by 59% of their 
Chapter Seven - Roma and New Travellers 85
 sample) whilst a further 37% reported moving 
to the UK to seek a better life for their children 
or to escape discrimination at home. Inadequate 
ethnic monitoring of Roma in the UK means 
that no clear evidence exists onthe size of 
the community in Britain although European 
Dialogue (2009), noted estimates by
 interviewees that there was a Roma migrant
 population of 100,000 to 1,000,000 in the UK,
 most of whom have arrived since the collapse
 of the communist bloc in Central/Eastern
 Europe. This gure is based on highly anecdotal 
evidence so needs to be treated with caution. 
The report further noted that local authorities 
are reluctant to include Roma in ethnic 
monitoring categories adding to the diculties 
in ascertaining a true picture of the population 
size (European Dialogue, 2009). 
Roma Exclusion in the UK
 Access to employment and the resultant 
economic inclusion of Roma adults in Britain 
is frequently limited by the low standard of 
training and educational skills of members of 
this community. The diculties Roma face in 
competing in the employment market is a direct 
legacy of exclusion in CEE countries where 
they typically attended segregated educational 
establishments and received limited or no 
schooling. A lack of qualications and in some 
cases illiteracy combined with an often weak 
grasp of English means that many Roma 
can only nd low skilled and poorly waged 
employment.
 The Roma that were interviewed on behalf 
of the TEIP were in contrast relatively well 
educated. One respondent had undertaken 
higher education (making him one of the 
best qualied interviewees within the TEIP) 
and a further two had completed secondary 
education. These high levels of education 
enabled interviewees to secure work within 
the community sector. Only one of the Roma 
interviewees was working in the unskilled sector 
and she had received little formal education. It 
is likely (based upon existing evidence in the 
research reports cited above) that the prole of 
this interviewee is likely to be typical of Roma in 
Britain, leading (in common with many Gypsies 
and Irish Travellers) to employment within low 
paid, relatively low skilled jobs. Where language 
skills are a factor in the ability to access 
employment, a situation may occur where 
Roma seeking employment in situations where 
their ?home? language is spoken (for example 
Polish or Czech) may nd themselves excluded 
from opportunities by other nationals from 
their home country who are prejudice against 
Roma, or conned to types of work where poor 
working conditions prevail.
 Since 2004 Roma from A8 countries have 
been legally able to work in Britain and are (in 
common with other EU migrants) entitled to 
basic social assistance e.g. housing benet, 
council tax benet and tax credit after twelve 
months of employment in the UK (European 
Dialogue, 2009: 23). However, A2 migrants face 
greater restrictions and unless self-employed 
can only work in Britain if they obtain a ?worker 
accession card? or if aged 18 to 30 under the 
Sector Based Scheme (SBS) which allows 
employers to recruit a limited number of low 
skilled workers for industries such as food 
manufacturing (European Dialogue, 2009, 24). 
These restrictions on employment have forced 
some Bulgarian and Romanian Roma into 
the informal economy and or illegal activities 
(European Dialogue, 2009, 9) which has led 
to hostile media reporting on the ?criminality? 
of Roma migrants in a manner similar to that 
discussed within Chapter 5 when considering 
Gypsies and Travellers.
 There is a general consensus of opinion in 
research studies (European Dialogue, 2009; 
Poole and Adamson, 2008) that Roma are 
concentrated in low waged menial work and 
are frequently exploited by unscrupulous 
private employment agencies who specialise in 
obtaining work for migrant workers. European 
Dialogue, discussing the poor terms and 
conditions endured by Roma workers noted:
 ?..where employment laws had actually been 
broken and serious exploitation had been taking 
place, the Roma workers at issue were reluctant 
to make an ocial complaint because they felt 
they would risk losing their jobs. In addition, it 
was believed that those who were prepared to 
complain tended to be uncertain of how to do 
so due to language diculties, fear of further 
victimisation and the scarcity of advice centres, 
designated rights advisors or sta familiar with 
Roma issues? (European Dialogue, 2009, 87).
 One TEIP interviewee advised us that private 
?agencies? oered an important source of 
employment for Roma who were able to obtain 
cleaning contracts or similar work as family 
groups. However, it was claimed that since 
the recession began such work was harder 
to obtain, often because such agencies were 
often staed by Central/East Europeans who 
had retained the prejudices against Roma 
Chapter Seven - Roma and New Travellers 86
 common in their countries of origin. Thus, 
some agencies gave preferential treatment to 
non Roma or were reluctant to employ Roma 
sta. Reliance on ?agency? work is exacerbated 
by employment restrictions which mean that 
many Roma migrants cannot access Jobcentre 
support (Poole and Adamson, 2008, 32). 
For those entitled to Jobcentre assistance 
European Dialogue found evidence that Roma 
in some cases received limited help, mirroring 
the ndings pertaining to Gypsies and Irish 
Travellers.
 ?Many Roma interviewees commented that they 
had experienced problems using Job Centre 
services, partly because of language diculties, 
but mostly because they found the system 
too complicated, the sta unhelpful; also they 
reported that advisors were not always clear 
about the status of A2 and A8 citizens? 
(European Dialogue, 2009, 62).
 Poor English language and work skills and 
restricted access to training combined with 
the demands of supporting an often large 
family whilst having limited access to benets, 
means that for older Roma there were few 
opportunities to develop a career, move to 
higher skilled work or increase their income 
levels. One Roma interviewee informed TEIP
 ?There is a good chance to change things, people 
who are 35 plus can?t change but the kids can, 
they have had education here, those born in 
communism with 4 or 5 children its dicult for 
them to go to college, you need heating and light, 
a home and work and only
 then maybe can you think about getting some 
education?.
 Roma TEIP interviewees reported that some 
community members have little option but 
to generate income through working in the 
informal economy or on a casual basis, for 
example, selling the Big Issue, cleaning car 
windows at trac lights, selling owers from 
trac islands or busking. Some of these 
vulnerable Roma migrants are at the mercy 
of unscrupulous gang masters who pay well 
below the minimum wage and also require their 
workers to rent substandard accommodation 
from them (Poole and Adamson, 2008: 36); a 
plight common to migrant workers from many 
countries (see further Craig, et, al., 2007).
 Roma who are trapped in a cycle of 
disadvantage often live in severely overcrowded 
accommodation with a number of families 
occupying housing designed for just one 
family. The London Gypsy and Traveller 
Accommodation Needs Assessment found 
evidence of chronic overcrowding amongst 
Roma residing in houses in multiple occupancy 
homes, and that some such migrants were 
reduced to living in cars (Fordhams, 2008: 
73). The Govanhill study estimated a Roma 
community of 2-3000 individuals concentrated 
in 4-5 streets (Poole and Adamson, 2008, 
14) at an accommodation density far above 
legal levels. Where high density of migrant 
populations exist and thus Roma are more 
?visible? there is a signicant danger of 
becoming victims of racist abuse or violence 
such as occurred in Belfast in 2009 (Reuters, 
2009). Even when living in less concentrated 
numbers and accordingly being less identiable 
as Roma, many community members reported 
being hesitant about revealing their ethnicity as 
they are aware of the high level of racist hatred 
of their community and the possible dangers 
of being identied as a Roma. One interviewee 
(who worked in a support project) told the TEIP:
 ?In work people know I am Roma but on the 
housing estate I say I am Slovak. I have a wife and 
child and have to be careful because some people 
only see the bad side of Roma, I have to know 
people personally before I tell them what
 I am. It?s not that I am ashamed?
 The younger Roma generation face a dierent 
set of challenges to that of their elders. Many 
young Roma have spent their formative years 
in Britain, have been educated here and are 
accustomed to the English language and 
traditions. Accordingly they are better placed 
to integrate into UK society and become more 
economically included. One Roma interviewee 
stated:
 ?My sister and brother they are in high school 
and they are doing very well, better than me. My 
brother wants to be a police ocer. They are 13 
and 15 and because they started the primary 
school here [they are nding it easier] it was harder 
for me because I came here at year 11 and spoke 
no English?
 Despite their apparently easier access to 
social capital, many younger Roma experience 
signicant hardship not least because 
adjustment to British norms, and associated 
acculturation can bring them into conict with 
the traditions and values of older community 
Chapter Seven - Roma and New Travellers 87
 members.
 A report by the Children?s Society (Ureche et, 
al., 2009) found evidence that not all young 
Roma are attending school. Participation in 
even primary school may for some families be 
such a departure from family traditions as to 
be regarded as unacceptable. Other barriers to 
education (similar to those identied by Gypsy 
and Traveller interviewees) consist of fear of 
(or actual) bullying leading to removal from 
school. Bullying in school is often inamed by 
negative media publicity (Ureche et al, 2009). 
Lurid reporting on the Roma in Britain has often 
created a set of stereotypes and misconceptions 
in a manner identical to that which has beset 
Gypsy and Irish Traveller communities for 
generations (see Richardson, 2006; Cemlyn 
et. al., 2009). Roma respondents to the TEIP 
stated that in employment, educational and 
school settings, as well as in engagements with 
the wider community, Roma did not always 
reveal their ethnicity and were often assumed 
by classmates or neighbours to be from CEE 
countries as opposed to also being Roma. 
Experiences of prejudice and fear of revealing 
one?s identity has been found by the TEIP to 
aect all ?ethnic? groups we interviewed, leading 
to corrosive self doubt and anxiety as well as 
fear of employment related discrimination. 
Several interviewees commented that 
increasing levels of anti-Roma prejudice in 
Britain and fear that events taking place across 
Europe will be replicated here, are seriously 
impacting on the life chances of younger 
Roma, with the associated problems (e.g. 
unemployment; depression; anxiety and early 
school leaving) compounded by poor access to 
services and a paucity of targeted and exible 
support for members of this community.
 Good Practice in Economic and Social
 Support for Roma
 Although currently only a small number of 
targeted projects exist in the UK to support 
Roma, valuable good practice insights can be 
gained from these projects:
 The Roma Support Group (RSG) set up in 
1998, is one such good practice model. At 
rst support was delivered by volunteers, 
informally, in a soup kitchen in Kings Cross. The 
organisation is now a constituted charity with a 
sta of 13 full, part time and sessional workers. 
Most of the RSG?s work is focused on East and 
West London, in particular the London borough 
of Newham. However, the organization also has 
a pan- London outreach providing guidance 
and support to a wide range of agencies 
working with Roma across London.
 The RSG has a Trustees committee of which fty 
percent are Roma. The Committee is chaired 
by a community member. The RSG is thus 
building on capacity within the community 
through providing members with experience 
of governance but also wider volunteering 
opportunities which has led to Roma becoming 
employed on a fulltime or sessional basis 
within the organisation. The RSG employs a 
number of Roma sta and believes that such 
sta are important community role models. 
The employment of Roma sta also informs 
the organisation?s policy and practice and 
enhances communication with the wider 
Roma community. In addition some non 
Roma sta are employed by the agency as it is 
believed that a good ethnic mix strengthens 
the organisation by ensuring that intercultural 
learning in relation to dierent cultural outlooks 
and practices can take place.
 The primary function of the RSG is to act as a 
frontline service provider oering advice and 
advocacy. This primary function drives the 
organisation, informs policy through enabling 
up to date understanding of community needs 
and the development of appropriate services. 
At the time of writing the Roma Support Group 
was supporting 900 Roma families which, 
given an average family size of six, equates to 
approximately ve thousand individuals.
 Key economic inclusion areas supported by the 
RSG include the provision of advice on setting 
up businesses; dealing with the bureaucracy 
of self-employment and becoming waged, for 
example by providing advice on completion of 
tax returns; actions which can be challenging 
for adults with limited education, literacy and 
language skills. The organisation also oers 
?English as a Foreign Language? training to 
Roma adults, recognising that poor language 
and literacy skills in English are a major 
impediment to economic inclusion. The RSG has 
identied (in common with Gypsy and Traveller 
organisations) that such targeted support is 
more eective than recommending take up of 
mainstream support and services as their Roma 
clients are often apprehensive about dealing 
with services which are assumed to be hostile 
or which have in the past, failed to understand 
Chapter Seven - Roma and New Travellers 88
 their needs.
 In addition to the services outlined above, 
the RSG has developed a number of cultural 
projects which are organised and run by 
sessional Roma sta. For example, Roma 
music is taught in the traditional way through 
practice and group learning and young people 
are introduced to professionals in the music 
industry in order to learn about the career 
options that music can oer. Workshops 
(for example on karate) are oered with the 
intention of building condence amongst 
young Roma and attendance at such workshops 
is helping to improve school attendance, a 
goal which the RSG further facilitates through 
employing a Roma Education Ocer who liaises 
with schools, Traveller Education Services and 
families.
 Part of the youth work carried out by the RSG 
involves engaging with young Roma in creating 
and staging cultural materials and events to 
promote and strengthen community pride. The 
organisation believes that such activities are 
an important means by which the community 
can challenge prejudices as well as building 
condence and enhancing understanding of 
Roma culture amongst the wider population. 
The cultural dimension of the RSG?s service 
contains an intercultural dimension through 
promoting dialogue between the Roma and 
host society with the intent of bringing about 
increased understanding and change (see 
further Chapter Two for a fuller discussion on 
intercultural practice).
 Examples of the work undertaken by the Roma 
Support Group in supporting young Roma are 
demonstrated in the following case studies from 
their records.
 Case Studies
 Case Study 1 
Female Roma pupil experiencing diculties 
in school. She was excluded from mainstream 
education and placed in special educational 
classes. She had a keen interest in poetry 
through participation in RSG cultural projects 
and was supported and encouraged to re-enter 
post 16 education. She has since made the 
transition to university. 
Case Study 2 
A female Roma who enjoyed playing 
football (contrary to gendered expectations) 
participated in RSG organised football 
tournaments where she was talent spotted 
by a major London football team. She was 
tutored to become captain of their women?s 
football team and was subsequently oered a 
place to undertake a sports studies degree at a 
university. 
Case Study 3
 A young Roma male who had achieved well at 
school was able to access home visit support 
from the RSG and was encouraged to engage 
in poetry and cultural studies workshops. 
After becoming involved in crime and being 
sentenced to a youth oending institute he 
was supported by the RSG and obtained early 
release as a result of good behaviour and on 
condition he entered into further education. He 
has subsequently successfully engaged with a 
higher education course in business studies.
 The case study examples demonstrate the types 
of problems faced by excluded young Roma. 
The support of the RSG has been eective in 
assisting them to overcome social exclusion 
and achieve success. Challenges experienced 
by these young people at times could relate 
to culture clashes with older generations, as 
for example, the young woman footballer was 
subject to peer and cultural pressure over her 
decision to play football; wear shorts whilst 
playing, rather than ?culturally appropriate? 
clothing and that she wished to study rather 
than engage in expected gendered behaviours 
(typically associated with early marriage 
and domestic responsibilities). Her success 
has however led to her being accepted as a 
community role model by some Roma, who are 
proud of her achievements. Thus, community 
Chapter Seven - Roma and New Travellers 89
 groups can act as catalysts for community 
change. Facilitating such cultural adaptation is 
part of the intercultural dialogue and change 
desired by community groups of this type.
 Despite the rapidly growing size of the British 
Roma community there remains a lack of 
specialist community groups (European 
Dialogue, 2009: 43)
 despite the evident social value of such 
agencies. Targeted economic inclusion activities 
undertaken by the few Roma groups include 
a drop in centre at Govanhill which provides 
targeted support in accessing services, 
including employment and training, and also 
oers liaison between schools and Roma 
families (Poole and Adamson, 2008: 14). As part 
of a drive to enhance educational inclusion a 
number of Traveller Education Service (TES) 
projects work with Roma although it is reported 
that educational sta often feel that they are 
working in isolation and carrying out activities 
which other agencies should be addressing 
(European Dialogue, 2009: 96). TES in areas 
such as Waltham Forest and Leeds Gypsy 
Roma Traveller Achievement Service (GRTAS) 
are amongst a number of statutory agencies 
undertaking innovative targeted work with 
young Roma.
 As part of the TEIP study of good practice 
initiatives (see further Chapter Eleven) the TEIP 
interviewed Roma employees of the Leeds 
GRTAS. One (Roma) sta member indicated the 
importance of their work:
 ?What I really like is that I can help Roma people...
 What makes me happy is that when I rst came 
here there was no one to help us [nothing] like 
this service and I didn?t speak English and neither 
did my parents, so we started from nothing. But 
now we can help Roma at the start?. A Roma co-
 worker added ?.. to do this work you have to be 
born Roma, you cannot really acquire the skills of 
understanding unless you have worked with and 
known the community for a long time?
 In common with good practice discussed in 
earlier chapters these Roma sta were recruited 
through the use of ?positive action? criteria which 
identied knowledge of the community and an 
ability to eectively communicate as essential 
skills; enabling other more formal skills to be 
developed once they were in post through 
supporting them in accessing specialist training.
 It is reported that over the past two years 
there has been an increase in support service 
employment opportunities for Roma as local 
authorities realise the added value of employing
 community members in community outreach 
roles. In the light of the Government spending 
review and national cutbacks in public sector 
services there are fears that this trend will be 
reversed leading to an erosion of specialist 
support for members of this community 
(see further Waltham Forest Guardian, 8th 
October, 2010).
 Any rollback of services are likely to have 
signicant consequences for these economically 
and socially excluded groups, as despite the 
presence of fairly large Roma communities in 
many areas, it remains the case that most local 
authorities have failed to address their needs 
through targeted support, compounding their 
multiple exclusions. It has been suggested 
that local authorities failure to engage with 
Roma populations may equate to a breach 
of statutory equalities obligations under the 
Equality Act, 2010 and the Race Relations Acts. 
Problems with encouraging local authorities 
and other statutory bodies to engage with 
Roma are compounded by the systemic 
failure of statutory bodies to collect data or 
undertake ethnic monitoring in relation to 
Roma, Gypsies and Travellers. This problem is 
compounded by low levels of self ascription by 
these communities through fear or racism and 
suspicion of ethnic monitoring mechanisms.
 The Future of Roma Engagement
 In the past the needs and aspirations of Roma 
have not always featured in the campaign 
and lobbying strategies of Gypsy and Traveller 
groups, in part because most campaigning 
has focused on the pressing need to address 
the shortage of Gypsy and Traveller sites, a 
campaign objective not of direct relevance to 
Roma. More recently an increasing awareness 
of the synergies of social exclusion experienced 
by Roma, Gypsies and Travellers and the 
increasing visibility of Roma in policy debate 
has led to the reframing of the focus of the All 
Party Parliamentary Group (APPG) on Traveller 
Law Reform (formed in 2002) to look at broader 
issues of social exclusion experienced by the 
communities. The APPG, now called the All Party 
Parliamentary Group for Gypsies Roma and 
Travellers, will in the future oer greater scope 
to develop campaigning and support initiatives 
in economic and social inclusion that are of 
benet to Gypsies, Roma and Travellers.
Chapter Seven - Roma and New Travellers 90
 New Travellers: Background
 New Travellers (a media imposed label for a 
group or community who typically prefer to be 
known simply as ?Travellers? (see further Home 
and Greenelds, 2006) are not a distinct ethnic 
group but a loose-knit community of people 
predominantly from the White British/Irish 
majority populations who may have grown up 
in conventional accommodation but who (as 
members of a cultural movement) have lived 
?on the road? for a considerable period of time. 
Greenelds (1999) found evidence that some 
people with Gypsy and Traveller ancestry had
 consciously elected to return to the nomadic 
traditions of their forebears after meeting New 
Travellers whilst attending music events.
 Although in popular discourse associated 
with the ?alternative? and ?festival movements? 
which arose in the 1970s (Earle, et. al., 1994; 
Hetherington, 2000) the numbers of New 
Travellers (whose identifying name was drawn 
from the economic-cultural practice of leading 
a nomadic life in converted vehicles such as 
buses; trucks; or utilizing more ?traditional? 
Gypsy/Traveller accommodation such as 
caravans, horse-drawn wagons or bender 
tents for individuals who have consciously 
adopted a ?greener? Gypsy/Traveller identied 
way of life) increased dramatically within the 
1980s as a result of the deep recession and 
deindustrialization. At that time there was a 
sharp shift in the demographics of New Traveller 
communities with an increasing percentage of 
community members coming to be individuals 
who had left care or the armed forces and 
who often lacked social capital in the external 
world although frequently possessing essential 
practical skills (Earle, et. al., 1994; Lowe & Shaw, 
1993) or simply young people who were unable 
to nd employment or who had become 
homeless as a result of job loss (Greenelds, 
1999; Webster & Millar, 2001). For some people 
who were at risk of social exclusion during the 
major recessions of the 1980s-1990s opting 
to become nomadic was identied as a ?more 
positive form of homelessness? (Webster 1999; 
Table 16 ? New Traveller interviewees ? accommodation, employment and educational status
 Age and Gender Type ofEmployment
 Level of 
Education
 Type of
 Accommodation
 Male
 41-50
 Car Mechanic/
 Agricultural
 Worker
 Secondary
 School/ 
Vocational
 Training
 Unauthorised
 Encampment
 Male
 41-50
 Training/Hand-
 crafts/Cooking/
 Seasonal Festival 
Work
 Secondary
 School
 Unauthorised
 Development
 Female
 31-40
 Community
 Worker University
 House
 (Rented)
 Female
 31-40
 Community
 Worker University
 Unauthorised
 Encampment
 Female
 31-40
 Community
 Worker University
 Unauthorised
 Encampment
Chapter Seven - Roma and New Travellers 91
 Greenelds, 2002), oering the opportunity 
to undertake eld labour and associated work 
whilst living cheaply; accessing community 
support and increasing their social capital.
 The inter-relationship between New Travellers 
and other Gypsy/Traveller communities is not 
uncomplicated by many Gypsies? and Travellers? 
perceptions that New Travellers have ?adopted? 
an ethnic identity through choice, although 
having a distinctly dierent way of life including 
signicantly greater gender equality, and a 
typically higher level of ?general education? 
amongst adults (see further below in relation to
 children ?born on the road?). The perceptions 
of a ?chosen? lifestyle are inuenced by media 
confusion over distinct Gypsy/Traveller 
communities and inammatory and inaccurate 
reporting of New Traveller issues (particularly 
during the 1990s when signicant media 
hostility ? now typically reserved for Roma 
and more recent migrants ? was reserved for 
members of this population) which focused on 
allegations of substance use, ?dole scrounging? 
and promiscuity and which caused outrage 
amongst traditional ?ethnic? Gypsies and 
Travellers who felt that their communities were 
being conated with ?hippie festival goers?.
 As a result of the passing of the Criminal Justice 
and Public Order Act 1994 which caused 
signicant hardship to nomadic Gypsies 
and Travellers of all communities many New 
Travellers returned to living in conventional 
accommodation or opted to move abroad 
where they could continue their lifestyle in 
a less stigmatizing and hostile environment 
(Dearling, 1998). Despite these diculties, a 
considerable number of New Travellers have 
either returned to travelling (at least seasonally, 
coming out of houses to work at eld labour/
 festivals for several months of each year) or 
have continued to live quietly on unauthorized 
encampments tucked away in rural locations. 
Evidence exists of a signicant number of young 
New Travellers who were born ?on the road? 
and have parents and even grandparents who 
have followed the same way of life since the 
1970s. Thus a distinct, vibrant and emerging 
culture continues to develop amongst New 
Traveller communities (The Children?s Society, 
2010) although sta working specically 
with members of these groups (for example 
the Children?s Society Participation Project 
Wessex and the recently closed Robert Barton 
Trust in Glastonbury) report that some of the 
diculties facing ?ethnic? Gypsies and Travellers 
are being replicated amongst emerging inter-
 generational New Traveller populations and 
thus for example New Travellers who have 
grown up fully nomadic may have poor literacy 
skills and sometimes health issues as a result of 
repeated eviction and lack of access to services.
 The size of the New Traveller community is hard 
to quantify although it has been estimated to 
be in the range of 5,000-8,000 (see Clark and 
Greenelds, 2006) a gure which includes 
individuals who reside in houses and ?travel 
seasonally? for work using vehicles/yurts/bender 
tents/caravans etc., during the summer. There 
is an uneven geographical spread of New 
Travellers with a high percentage of the fully 
nomadic (with no access to authorized sites 
or houses) members of the community to be 
found in the South West of Britain for reasons 
associated with historical (and to a lesser extent 
current) patterns of travel for Festival related 
work and seasonal farm labour picking owers 
in Cornwall. In some areas there are signicantly 
larger percentages of fully nomadic New 
Travellers than Gypsies/Irish Travellers so that, 
for example in the Dorset GTANA approximately 
65% of travelling people are New Travellers 
(Home and Greenelds, 2006).
 Overwhelmingly, (as a result of legal exclusion 
from public Gypsy/Traveller sites resulting 
from lack of a distinct ethnic origin as well as in 
some cases a conscious politicised and ?green? 
decision to reside in a ?traditional? manner at 
Green Lanes and halting places) New Travellers 
live in unauthorised encampments, often in 
relatively rural areas such as Green Lanes and on 
Forestry Commission Woodland. Findings from 
the Dorset GTANA (Home and Greenelds 2006) 
and the West of England GTANA (Greenelds et 
al 2007) found that a relatively high percentage 
of New Travellers indicated a preference for low-
 impact environmentally friendly sites, or simply 
to remain living on green lanes or unauthorised 
encampments with minimal facilities. For horse-
 drawn New Travellers in particular, the needs for 
fresh grazing preclude residence at one site for 
long periods of time.
 Within the TEIP we have interviewed a 
small sample of New Travellers to attempt 
to understand the ways in which their 
employment opportunities are changing as 
a result of the culture-specic circumstances, 
and to seek to understand if their experiences 
of economic inclusion/exclusion are similar to 
those of other travelling groups. Table 13 below 
provides information on the employment status, 
level of education, and current accommodation 
status of interviewees in this group.
Chapter Seven - Roma and New Travellers 92
 As can be seen, two signicant dierences exist 
between the New Traveller sample and that of 
other groups. A higher percentage  of 
New Traveller interviewees were resident at 
insecure accommodation and thus risked 
disruption to employment if they were evicted 
or required to move on (see further Chapter 
8) and the general level of education amongst 
this group was signicantly higher than was 
found amongst other interviewees across all 
communities. A clear gender split is found in 
economic practices (as is common with other 
groups) in that males are more likely to be 
engaged in ?traditional economic practices? than 
are women, albeit in one case in a New Traveller 
culturally specic manner (e.g. engagement 
with Festival employment rather than ?trading?). 
Both men were self-employed utilising the 
exibility of such economic preferences to 
move between skilled and semi-skilled work 
which changed throughout the year according 
to available opportunities and the seasons. 
All three female interviewees were engaged 
with community groups and their Degree level 
education most likely provided them with a 
signicant advantage in entering into such 
roles. Remaining in education to a later age than 
Gypsy and (ethnic) Traveller peers would appear 
to have provided a greater grounding for 
sustainable nomadism and exible employment 
for these interviewees, as even for those 
working in ?traditional? Traveller economies, 
their experiences of a longer formal education 
(particularly that which provided training and 
skills) facilitated economic versatility.
 In contrast to the media perceptions of New 
Travellers as ?dole scroungers? and an
 acknowledgement by one interviewee that in 
the 1980s and early 1990s there had been a 
tendency for some New Travellers to consciously 
utilise social security payments as a ?political 
statement?; all New Traveller interviewees were 
in employment and demonstrated a strong 
work ethic; an economic approach that it has 
been argued is typical of this group (Webster 
and Millar, 2001; Greenelds, 1999).
 Amongst the three female New Travellers 
working in community organisations which 
support Gypsies and Travellers of all ethnicities, 
there was a highly politicized awareness of 
the importance of their role in supporting 
community development. These interviewees 
felt (in common with Irish Traveller and Gypsy 
community workers interviewed for the TEIP) 
that their personal experiences of eviction and 
prejudice had given them important insights 
into the lives of Travellers of all ethnicities and 
enhanced their eectiveness as support workers 
for ?ethnic? Gypsies and Travellers.
 Despite New Travellers having a generally 
greater knowledge of ?mainstream? services 
and available employment options than did 
?ethnic? Gypsies and Travellers, (potentially 
linked to stronger bridging capital as a result 
of educational and family backgrounds as 
well as typically higher levels of literacy) some 
interviewees felt that because of New Travellers? 
practical circumstances (self-employment/
 nomadism/insecure accommodation), tailored 
advice and business support for Gypsies and 
Travellers would be useful. One interviewee 
noted:
 ?[business support] would be helpful because 
there?s quite a lot of people within the New 
Traveller community that set up their own 
businesses and if there was help out there and 
people oering their help that had some sort of 
understanding of Travellers needs then it might 
be better than say a blanket policy that many 
Travellers might not even know about?
  (NT F 31-40)
 A key problem for four of the New Travellers was 
accommodation, as their disproportionately 
insecure accommodation status created 
signicant diculties in knowing whether 
employment would be disrupted by 
eviction. This nding mirrored that of several 
studies which have considered the needs 
of New Travellers (Greenelds 1999; 2002; 
Webster and Millar, 2001; Cemlyn, et. al. 
2009 and GTANAs in localities with high 
numbers of these community members). 
Three respondents were currently living on 
unauthorised encampments and one was 
residing at an unauthorised development 
(site seeking planning permission). Living on 
an unauthorised development was felt by the 
interviewee in that case, to be a distraction from 
economic activities and a drain on resources 
with the associated costs of seeking planning 
permission. The respondents at unauthorised 
encampments stressed the extreme 
inconvenience of such accommodation and 
how it impacted on work patterns, particularly 
where the New Travellers were waged and 
expected to be in work on a full-time basis:
 ?It was very dicult especially when you are trying 
to hold down a full-time job. You nish work then 
you have to turn everything around ready for 
moving and you can?t move until much later in the 
night in case the police turn up. More often you 
Chapter Seven - Roma and New Travellers 93
 are up till quite late, three or four in the morning 
and you got to get up for work the next day. So it?s 
quite tough? (NT F 31-40).
 An additional problem reported by interviewees 
(common to all Gypsies/Travellers on 
unauthorised encampments) was experience 
of police harassment and local prejudice 
based upon stereotypes of how members of 
the community would behave. In the case of 
New Travellers this was exacerbated by media 
driven perceptions of a hedonistic, drug-fuelled 
life which was in total contrast to their hard-
 working daily activities:
 ?When we were living on one site local residents 
came up and rst of all we thought they were 
being friendly, they came up with a bin and they 
said ?you can put your needles in there? and they 
said this in front of an 11 year old child. And we 
said we didn?t need that, because they presumed 
we were Travellers we were all like heroin-addicts 
as well. In more rural areas you tend to get more 
prejudice from local people but they tend to not 
actually come down they just tend to ring the 
police rather than actually coming and speaking 
to people on the site. They?ve had meetings, local 
meetings about the site but they didn?t inform the 
site about the meetings? (NT F 21-30)
 In general, amongst this small sample of New 
Travellers, which may not be representative 
of this group as a whole, and which does not 
include New Travellers who have been born ?on 
the road? and thus face the deep educational 
exclusion identied within some GTANAs 
(Home and Greenelds, 2006), a spirit of self-
 reliance and adaptability exists which indicates 
access to accommodation is likely to be the 
most eective bridge to economic inclusion for 
this community. For New Travellers with lower 
educational and skill bases however, measures 
such as tailored courses and assistance with 
educational upskilling may be required to 
enable them to compete on an equal footing 
with other ?mainstream? job applicants. The 
availability of a ?New Traveller? economy 
(predominantly service industries such as 
catering, entertainments and site-crew) has 
enabled self-employment to remain relatively 
sustainable throughout the summer months 
for members of this community who can access 
the ?festival circuit? (see further the Children?s 
Society, 2010). In addition a number of GTANAs 
have employed New Travellers as interviewers 
in localities where they form a relatively large 
population (e.g Home and Greenelds, 2006; 
Greenelds et. al., 2007). However, competition 
for other types of exible self-employment such 
as working in eld labour is likely to remain 
strong (both from other Gypsies and Travellers/
 Roma and migrant workers), diminishing 
sources of income for individuals without 
existing additional sources of income or the 
opportunity to access secure accommodation 
from which to enter into training.
 Conclusion
 As can be seen, the circumstances of Roma and 
New Travellers both bear some resemblance to 
that of other Gypsies and Travellers and have 
distinct cultural variations. In particular, the 
high incidence of Roma employed in low waged 
work is similar to ndings of a growing trend 
for this type of work amongst Gypsies and Irish 
Travellers.
 All groups experience poor support in 
Jobcentres based around lack of knowledge 
of their communities? lifestyles and specialist 
needs. The common economic strategy 
amongst all groups interviewed (the desire for 
entrepreneurialism and self employment) as 
an alternative to low paid regimented work, 
may give both Roma and New Travellers further 
common cause with Gypsies and Travellers in 
the sphere of economic inclusion, although New 
Travellers in particular may face some hostility 
from ?ethnic? Gypsy and Traveller communities 
who are often resistant to claims of common 
purpose from a community which they 
frequently misunderstand and do not wish to 
engage with, perceiving New Travellers to have 
made a ?lifestyle choice? of the type erroneously 
identied by the DWP/JobCentres referred to in 
Chapter 5.
 In contrast, Roma who have featured alongside 
Gypsies and Travellers in the DCSF sponsored 
Gypsy Roma Traveller History Month which
 focuses on ?ethnicity? and cultural history as a 
common theme, are increasingly becoming 
closer to other ?ethnic? groups in a development 
which indicates the potential for further 
synergy and cooperation. The relatively recent 
development of bridging capital between 
?ethnic? Roma, Gypsy/Traveller groups and the 
creation of supra-identity bonding capital 
between ethnic Gypsies/Travellers has been 
emphasized by the creation of the Council 
of Europe European Roma Traveller Forum 
which has brought together Roma, Gypsies, 
Irish Travellers and other ethnic travelling 
communities. Such a process demonstrates 
that it is possible and practical to bring diverse 
Chapter Seven - Roma and New Travellers 94
 travelling/Roma communities together in 
common projects with the intent of developing 
change agendas and enhancing community 
development.
 In contrast to this new form of inter-ethnic 
bridging capital and identication of support 
needs, New Travellers are relatively marginalised 
as a group, in that there are very few targeted 
projects working specically with members of 
this community. The Children?s Society have 
run a dynamic youth project in the South 
West for a number of years (see Children?s 
Society, 2010) and in the same region the 
Robert Barton Trust undertook in-depth work 
supporting marginalised and vulnerable New 
Travellers experiencing health, education 
and accommodation needs problems. 
Unfortunately, in the summer of 2010 the 
Robert Barton Trust closed as a result of loss of 
funding, ending this highly specialised work. 
The national organisation, Friends Families and 
Travellers does still support New Travellers as 
well as ethnic Gypsies and Travellers (see further 
Chapter 11) but has no key regional presence in 
areas where New Travellers are found in greatest 
numbers.
 As identied above, New Travellers 
experience a number of challenges centred 
on accommodation and sustainability of 
self-employment which could permit closer 
working with Gypsies and Travellers if common 
cause can be made. The TEIP would hope to 
see opportunities for cooperation, support 
and exchange of good practice developing 
between New Travellers, Roma and Gypsies/Irish 
Travellers.
 The forging of alliances between Roma 
organisations, other Traveller groups and 
ultimately discrete marginalised BME 
communities, holds the potential, so the TEIP 
would argue, to avert the negativism of ?dual 
closure? (inward looking models which fail to 
identify commonality of oppression) towards 
other groups living at the margins and instead 
oers the possibility of broad coalitions of 
the excluded to form eective ?empowerment 
networks? (Gilchrist, 2004).
 Where such ?empowerment networks? can be 
successfully created, the pooling of limited
 resources and greater strength of numbers oer 
the potential of more eective lobbying tools 
and levers for change as well as developing 
signicantly enhanced waves of ?bridging 
capital?. Eective ?empowerment networks? 
can encompass a range of organisational 
structures and policy actors, including 
statutory and voluntary sector agencies and 
hold the potential to enhance knowledge 
through recognition of dierence rather than 
homogenization of ?need?. Where this can occur, 
the diversity found within such ?empowerment 
networks? can eectively engage intercultural 
understanding and empower client groups 
as well as modeling intercultural partnership 
practice for the majority society. We therefore 
recommend strongly that this model should be 
adopted with regard to developing economic 
inclusion strategies amongst all Gypsy/Traveller 
and Roma groups.
95
 Part Three
 Findings related to Accommodation, 
Education/Training and Social Capital
 Having considered the accommodation and 
educational status of Roma and New Travellers 
in Chapter 7, in these chapters we return to the 
?main group? of interviewees, Gypsies and Irish 
Travellers. In this Section we explore the impact 
of Accommodation type and experiences of 
Education/Training on access to Social Capital 
and economic inclusion.
 This part of the report consists of the following 
Chapters. In Chapter Eight we consider the 
form of accommodation (housing, authorised 
and unauthorised sites) on which Gypsies and 
Irish Travellers reside and their aspirations 
for other forms of residence, in Chapter 9 we 
present a consideration of the education and 
training experiences and desires of participants 
and discuss how these impact on economic 
inclusion and nancial stability. Finally, in 
Chapter 10 we contemplate the nature of 
inter-community relationships and social 
capitals available to interviewees and the way 
in which these impact on economic inclusion 
and access to employment. In Part 4 (the 
concluding section of the report) we move on 
to present examples of good practice and policy 
recommendations for enhancing Gypsy and 
Traveller economic inclusion.
 As in the previous section of this report we 
have identied key issues and linked these to 
the relevant Equality Measurement Framework 
(EMF) domains. These consist of the following 
factors:
 Chapter 8 (Accommodation) Concerns
 * Overwhelming evidence (see Cemlyn et. 
al., 2009 for a fuller discussion relating to 
accommodation exclusion) of inequality of 
access to culturally appropriate accommodation
 The ?forced settlement? into housing of many 
Gypsies and Travellers as a result of inadequate 
site provision
 * Growing restrictions on nomadic rights and 
the location and condition of socially rented 
accommodation
 * Signicant contestation (often including 
racialised discourse) over development of public 
and private sites
 * The diminishing prospects of future home 
ownership for a sizeable section of the 
community.
 * The impacts of poor accommodation 
conditions/homelessness on income generation
 Related EMF domains
 The capability to enjoy a comfortable standard 
of living, with independence and security 
measured by:
 * The ability to enjoy an adequate and secure 
standard of living including nutrition, clothing, 
housing, warmth, social security, social services 
and utilities, and being cared for and supported 
when necessary
 * Being able to ?get around? inside and outside 
the home, and to access transport and public 
places
 * The ability to live with independence, dignity 
and self-respect
 * Having choice and control over where and 
how someone lives
 * Enjoyment of one?s home in peace and 
security
 * Being able to access green spaces and the 
natural world
 The capability of being and expressing oneself, 
and having self-respect can be measured by 
being able to:
 * Engage in cultural practices, in community 
with other members of one?s chosen group or 
groups and across communities
 * Living without fear of humiliation, harassment, 
or abuse based on who someone is
 * Being condent of being treated with dignity 
and respect
 Chapter 9 (Education/Training) Concerns
 * Evidence of high levels of racism and 
discrimination in school
 * For some young people an inappropriate 
curriculum
96
 * Limited access to internet technology 
(particularly amongst older TEIP interviewees)
 Related EMF domains
 To be able to participate in society, measured 
by:
 * Attaining the highest possible standard of 
knowledge, understanding and reasoning
 * Being fullled and stimulated intellectually, 
including being creative if someone so wishes
 * Being able to develop the skills for 
participation in productive and valued activities, 
including parenting
 * Being able to learn about a range of cultures 
and beliefs and acquire the skills to participate 
in a diverse society, including learning English
 * Access education, training and lifelong 
learning that meets individual needs
 * Accessing information and technology 
necessary to participate in society
 The capability of being and expressing oneself, 
and having self-respect is measured by:
 * Having freedom of cultural identity and 
expression of gender
 * Living without fear of humiliation, harassment,
 or abuse based on who someone is
 * Being condent that an individual will be 
treated with dignity and respect
 Chapter 10 (Social Capital and Community 
Relations) Concerns:
 * Interviewees reported high levels of 
discrimination and racism in social, community 
and work environments
 * The fear and unwillingness of some 
respondents to reveal their identity
 * Lack of condence and willingness to be 
involved in wider community forums and 
networks
 Related EMF domains
 The capability to engage in productive and 
valued activities measured in the following 
ways:
 * To work in just and favourable conditions, 
including health and safety, fair treatment 
during pregnancy, maternity and paternity, 
fair pay, reasonable hours, and freedom from 
harassment or discrimination
 * Not be prevented from working in a particular 
occupation without good reason
 The capability to enjoy individual, family and 
social life and the freedom to:
 * Develop as a person, including self-identity
 * Develop and maintain self-respect, self-esteem 
and self-condence
 The capability of being and expressing oneself, 
and having self-respect is measured by:
 * Having freedom of cultural identity and 
expression of gender
 * Living without fear of humiliation, harassment, 
or abuse based on who someone is
 * Being condent that an individual will be
 treated with dignity and respect
 The capability to participate in decision-making, 
have a voice and inuence is assessed by 
someone?s ability to:
 * Participate in decision-making and make 
decisions aecting their own life independently
 * Participate in the local community
 * Form and join civil organisations and solidarity 
groups, including trade unions
 See further Turner et. al. (2010) ?Good Relations 
Measurement Framework? for a more in-depth 
exploration of the processes of measuring 
community relations and greater discussion on 
the above domains.
Chapter Eight
 Accommodation
Chapter Eight - Accommodation 98
 Chapter Eight
 Accommodation
 Introduction
 In many ways access to accommodation is (as 
identied in so many reports which have come 
before, see further Cemlyn, et. al., 2009) the 
key to this study; as having somewhere to live 
is the prime determiner of household stability, 
well-being, access to services, employment 
patterns and economic wellbeing. Within this 
chapter we assess the fundamental importance 
of accommodation type, status and stability to 
the interviewees who participated in the TEIP 
and consider the entwinement which persists 
between this topic and all other aspects of the 
report.
 Gypsy/Traveller Interviewees? Accommodation 
Histories (Generational Change)
 Approximately three quarters of the G/
 IT interviewees? parents had lived a fully 
nomadic lifestyle for a least some of their lives. 
In addition, when recounting narratives of 
their own early life experiences, 36/86 (41%) 
interviewees reported that their households had 
been nomadic for some periods of time. This 
nding was most evident in the respondents 
who were aged over forty. A further group of 
30 interviewees (34%) reported that in their 
early lives their families had lived in a mixture 
of accommodation types, typically alternating 
between living on unauthorised encampments 
with intermittent stays on permanent sites 
and in housing. Once again the overwhelming 
,majority of this sub-sample reported that 
their own parents had been nomadic in their 
youth although the majority of this older 
generation made the transition over time into 
secure accommodation (predominantly on 
authorised sites which were either privately 
owned or rented from the local authority. A 
smaller percentage, only 10% of the G/IT sample 
(predominantly younger interviewees below 
30) reported that their parents had lived mainly 
in housing. The transition from nomadism into 
diverse accommodation types and mapping this 
transition across the age-bands of respondents 
thus enables us to hold a mirror up to prevailing 
State policies which impacted on succeeding 
generations of Gypsies and Travellers.
 The transition from agricultural work, scrap 
dealing and hawking (the economic core of 
traditional nomadism) to other employment 
practices is inextricably entwined with the 
accommodation history of the TEIP respondents, 
as economic adaption has occurred in response 
to the shortage of sites and stopping places and 
adoption of more sedentary accommodation 
patterns.
 Current Accommodation
 Table 14 (next page) presents the 
accommodation type and tenure status of G/
 IT respondents. The most dramatic nding is 
the high proportion (52%) of economically 
active respondents living in housing. The 
TEIP tentatively posits that this stark gure 
which demonstrates the decline in traditional 
accommodation types of many economically 
active Gypsies and Traveller may be a factor 
in the ?success? of some respondents in higher 
managerial positions who have used their 
sedentarism (particularly when their parents 
moved into housing and the respondent 
has accessed education) to support a more 
?mainstream? career path. Simultaneously, 
for respondents who are more economically 
excluded (for example those working in 
relatively low paid/skilled work) residence in 
public sector housing may be reective of 
their own or parents? transition to housing as 
a result of the decline of traditional economic 
and accommodation options. As discussed 
in Chapter 10, enforced residence in areas 
suering from poverty of place may have 
the eect of enhancing bonding capital in 
response to experiences of racism as well as 
exacerbating educational and social exclusion 
and minimizing opportunities to improve 
personal circumstances (see further Greenelds 
and Smith, 2010).
 Despite the fact that around one in four 
Gypsies and Travellers living in caravans are 
legally homeless (having nowhere on which 
they can in law station their home (Johnson 
& Willers, 2007) only one interviewee was 
predominantly nomadic, whilst another resided 
on a tolerated unauthorised encampment. The 
ve respondents (6% of the sample) living on 
unauthorised developments are reective of a 
growing phenomenon, that of families whose 
legal accommodation status is precarious but 
who are able to utilize their relative stability of 
residence to access employment and economic 
inclusion.
Chapter Eight - Accommodation 99
 Increased number of Gypsies and Travellers 
living in housing, but low numbers with a 
mortgage Just over half of the G/IT sample 
(45/86) were living in housing. Of the twenty 
four respondents who were living in owner-
 occupier housing a strong age-related pattern 
was discernable. Only one person in this 
category was between the ages of 21-30; two 
were aged 31-40, and the remaining twenty 
one interviewees in this category were forty 
or over. In comparison, (in 2008) amongst the 
wider mainstream community the proportion of 
younger households (below the age of 30) with 
a mortgage accounted for thirty-two per cent 
of owner-occupiers (Survey of English Housing 
Preliminary Results 2007/08).
 TEIP found that just below fty percent of 
the G/IT interviewees lived on permanent or 
secure authorised sites. Twelve interviewees 
(14%) dwelt at private authorised sites (self/
 family owned) with a further ten respondents 
(12%) renting pitches on private sites. Another 
12 interviewees (14% percent) rented pitches 
on local authority sites and 5 interviewees 
(6%) were living at private (family owned) 
unauthorised developments with a precarious 
legal status. Finally two interviewees were 
primarily nomadic living at unauthorised 
encampments.
 36 interviewees in the G/IT sample/41 percent 
owned their own homes (either sites or 
houses). In contrast, 68% of the ?mainstream? 
wider population are owner-occupiers or 
have a mortgage (Survey of English Housing 
Preliminary Results 2007/08). This contrast 
demonstrates clearly the degree of nancial 
exclusion experienced by Gypsies and Travellers 
(e.g. lack of capital and nancial exclusion from 
access to mortgages/loans see further below) 
and the impacts on community-wide housing 
tenure where this degree of ?ethnicity/sector 
poverty? exists.
 We have taken residence in ?rented? 
accommodation to include the categories 
of both public sector housing and sited 
accommodation. Just under fty percent 
of the G/IT sample were living in rented 
accommodation equating to 21 interviewees 
(24% of sample) living in housing whilst twenty 
two rented pitches (12/14% on local authority 
sites; and 10/12% on private sites). This gure 
contrasted with the gures from ?mainstream? 
communities where approximately 30% of 
households live in rented accommodation 
(Survey of English Housing Preliminary Results 
2007/08). Whilst this discrepancy may relate to 
nancial exclusion amongst G/IT communities 
it is also a possibility that the impact of lack 
Table 17 Accommodation Status (Gypsy and Irish Traveller Interviewees (Total 86)
 0 5 10 15 20 25
 Nomadic
 Unauthorised/ Tolerated Development
 Unauthorised Development
 Private Rented Site
 Local Authority Site
 Authorised Site (Owner)
 Public Sector/ Council House/ Flat
 Owner Occupier House/ Flat 24
 21
 12
 12
 10
 5
 1
 1
 Accommodation
Chapter Eight - Accommodation 100
 of adequate site provision has skewed this 
nding. Individuals who are unable/unwilling 
to accept residing in housing are constrained 
by the limited numbers of pitches available 
to rent/buy if a family are unwilling or unable 
to risk purchasing land without planning 
permission/engaging with the planning system 
to obtain a site license or if they are reluctant 
to set up an unauthorised development. The 
shortage of sites for sale with pre-existing 
planning permission has also (extrapolated 
from GTANA data, focus group ndings and a 
crude analysis of sites available for sale through 
auctioneers and advertised through specialist 
journals such as Travellers Times) led to a grossly 
inated market price for such land, placing the 
opportunity of owner-occupier site purchase 
still further beyond many families on average 
incomes.
 Extrapolating from these ndings we calculate 
that approximately half of all Gypsies and 
Travellers are resident in socially/privately 
rented accommodation, a gure which 
bears further comparison to the 49 per cent 
of Bangladeshi households living in social 
housing (Survey of English Housing Preliminary 
Results 2007/08) although indicative of the 
discrepancies existing in relation to social 
accommodation provision for Gypsies and 
Travellers and other communities who have 
a preference for house-dwelling. The overall 
gures of approximately half of the G/IT 
interviewees in the TEIP living in housing is 
reective of Niner?s (2003) estimate that 50% of 
community members are living in ?conventional 
accommodation?, although the TEIP ndings 
should not be taken as reective of whole-
 community data as we may have identied a 
higher percentage of economically successful 
households operating in the ?Traveller economy? 
who reside on sites.
 Having outlined the accommodation status of 
interviewees in the remainder of this chapter 
we discuss respondents? positive and negative 
experiences of living in dierent types of 
accommodation and assess the impact of such 
residence on economic/social inclusion and 
employment patterns.
 Positive Experiences of Accommodation
 One extremely positive nding from the TEIP 
data was that many of the interviewees stated 
that they had a good sense of community and 
were able to access emotional support from 
neighbours as well as utilising a strong network 
of social capital built up through connections to 
their place of residence (see further the Wigeld, 
et. al., 2010 for a discussion on ?good community 
relations as a marker of social inclusion). 
Interestingly, and reective of the already high 
levels of community bonding capital noted 
earlier, such comments were more evident 
amongst Gypsies and Travellers living on sites 
(both public and private):
 ?We?ve been there for a long time. I?d rather be on 
the site because at least when you are there you 
know your next-door neighbour. It is safe and 
it?s very friendly. When I leave here [work] and 
go home there I get ?Did you go to work today?? 
that kind of thing and they go around my dad?s 
[support for family members] when I?m not there?. 
(IT F 21-30).
 Regardless of tenure or accommodation type, 
for respondents who had previously lived on 
unauthorised encampments personal/family 
security and improved access to services such 
as education and healthcare and employment 
opportunities were most frequently cited as 
positive features of permanent accommodation. 
Housed Gypsies and Travellers who have 
previously lived on roadside sites (see further 
below) often strongly commended the access to 
heat and running water (see further Greenelds 
and Smith, 2010).
 In the following section we use participants? 
narrative to explore the positive and negative 
aspects of each type of accommodation.
 Negative Experiences of Accommodation
 Table 15 (below) lists the key categories 
identied by respondents when asked to 
identify problematic issues associated with their 
current accommodation. Only 37/86 (43%) of 
respondents identied problems indicating that 
57% of respondents were largely happy with 
their place of residence. These categories are 
discussed in greater detail below with regard to 
each accommodation type.
 Negatives Aspects of Traditional Nomadic 
Lifestyles
 Regulations limiting the opportunities for 
nomadism are regarded as a major problem
 Although only two respondents were currently 
Chapter Eight - Accommodation 101
 living on unauthorised encampments (1 
nomadic/1 tolerated unauthorised site) the 
commonality of experience of such nomadism 
meant that many participants were able to 
contrast ?traditional? lifestyles with their current 
circumstances. The key aspect of nomadic life 
which respondents identied as problematic 
related to State intervention in lifestyle. A 
decline in traditional stopping places and a raft 
of legislation aimed at restricting unauthorised 
encampments were identied by many 
interviewees as having limited the feasibility of 
nomadic lifestyles:
 ?We lived on road sides and in trailers. Going back 
to my mum and dad - half of the time they were 
living in tents on the side of the road.
 When I got married I was still moving on to the 
side of the roads but became permanent [securely 
sited] when I moved down here 5 or 6 years ago. 
I?m permanent and I?ll never move o. I will never 
pull on the road sides again. Well, you?ll be on the 
road sides and get moved on and with the children 
you have to get up at 2-3 o?clock in the morning 
lift them with their blankets around them drive 
probably the next 2 or 3 hours before you nd the 
next place to move on to? (IT F 31-40).
 For some respondents these dramatic changes 
and move from nomadic lifestyles to more 
sedentary ones created a sense of loss:
 ?I still miss the travelling a great deal, I think that 
is a great sadness that there is less freedom to 
travel now. I think if there were more traveling; 
stopping places whether it is private sites or local 
authority sites it would allow travel again which 
I think is very good for the community. Today 
the accommodation is so limited everything is 
gridlocked now. You don?t leave the site that you 
are on as nding somewhere else to pull into is 
now so dicult? (G F 41-50).
 The insecurity of unauthorised encampments 
and the threat of constant eviction could 
also make it dicult to hold down waged 
employment, a point identied by New 
Travellers (who were more likely to be living at 
unauthorised encampments/roadside locations 
than other interviewees) as well as G/ITs:
 ?It was very dicult especially when you are trying 
to hold down a full-time job. You nish work then 
you have to turn everything around ready for 
moving and you can?t move until much later in the 
night in case the police turn up. More often you 
are up till quite late, three or four in the morning 
and you got to get up for work the next day. So it?s 
quite tough? (NT F 31-40).
 Table 18 ? Negative Aspects of Current Accommodation
 0 5 10 15 20 25
 Lack of Services
 UD Cost and Stress
 Discrimination
 Aversion to Housing
 Lack of Privacy
 Isolation
 Neighbours 20%
 17%
 17%
 14%
 14%
 12%
 6%
 Negative Experiences of Accommodation
Chapter Eight - Accommodation 102
 As we have noted elsewhere, limitations on
 nomadism are encouraging a shift to more 
settled work patterns for many interviewees and 
their families or in some cases undertaking work 
in the traditional Traveller economy in mainland 
Europe (See Chapter Four and ndings from 
GTANA evidence).
 Problems associated with Unauthorised 
Developments
 Living on an unauthorised encampment/
 development can contribute to economic and 
social exclusion
 The repeal of the statutory duty to provide 
Gypsy and Traveller sites under the Criminal 
Justice and Public Order Act (CJPOA) 1994 led to 
an increasing emphasis on encouraging Gypsies 
and Travellers to buy land and develop their 
private sites. Under the provisions of Planning 
Circulars 1/94 and 1/06 local authorities were 
expected to assist Gypsies and Travellers in 
identifying appropriate land although this 
has been a slow and highly contested process 
(Richardson and Ryder, 2010). Many Gypsies 
and Travellers have argued that a systemic 
failure by local authorities to full their duties 
to identify appropriate land has created a 
situation where it is logical (and creates a better 
chance of obtaining planning permission) for 
families to buy land, move on to it and then 
seek retrospective planning permission. Such 
forms of private, unauthorised sites are known 
as Unauthorised Developments.
 Applications for planning permission for 
private (usually self or family-owned) Gypsy 
sites are typically refused at rst hearing, often 
following orchestrated campaigns by aggrieved 
(sedentary) local residents (Richardson, 2007). 
Prospects for being approved at appeal 
(particularly when the family are already in 
residence) are signicantly greater, especially 
since the introduction of planning circular 
1/2006 which states that if there is a local 
shortage of sites this must be classied as a 
material consideration in the planning process 
(Cemlyn et al 2009). A number of interviewees 
were living on unauthorised developments or 
had recently obtained permanent or temporary 
planning permission for a family site. Twelve 
interviewees expressed concern about the cost 
of the planning process/appeal and extreme 
levels of stress associated with purchasing and 
residing on an unauthorised development. 
The following quotations reveal some of the 
fear, frustrations and distress experienced by 
interviewees:
 ?I live on an unauthorised development. When 
I came to live here back in 2003 this place was 
passed [granted planning permission] for [the 
owner?s] life. Six months later they revoked my 
license. So since 2004 I?ve been trying to get back 
my planning permission to stay here but my 
health is not that great at the moment - myself 
and my wife are in poor health. The good thing is 
that my family is around me and we always have 
someone to look after us but the bad thing here 
is we are living in fear of being evicted because 
at my age I?m under the doctor?s, under hospital 
appointments and my wife is under hospital 
appointments. So the situation is, you are living 
in fear that you get moved, if you get moved you 
can?t see the doctors so you?ll die if you don?t get 
the right medication. Our doctors at the moment 
are the most wonderful people in the world. I think 
we wouldn?t be alive without these doctors? (IT M 
71-80).
 For the interviewees (particularly those who 
were older or in poor health such as the 
couple above) protracted planning disputes 
were physically and emotionally challenging. 
The process could be extremely problematic 
if the family faced literacy problems or did 
not fully understand the issues involved and 
for all respondents in such circumstances 
(particularly those who were self-employed 
in the Traveller economy) such applications 
were a nancial drain in terms of legal bills and 
associated expenses involved in attempting to 
defend against eviction and obtain planning 
permission. The situation also represented a 
signicant distraction from economic activities:
 ?They say they want more sites for Travellers they 
are advising you to buy your own land, you buy 
your own land but they don?t want you to own 
your own land. You can?t really concentrate on 
your work while you have to ght for getting your 
site passed. The council seems to be OK with us. 
We are going on to the main drains; we got all the 
planning [permission].now what we wanted, and 
we get on with the locals. The kids are all in school 
and I?m a tax payer, I?m not taking nothing out of 
the community and I?m putting money into the 
community. If you get peace and quiet to live and 
you get your own property you can do what you 
want to do eventually. I want to put an oce on 
the site with my computers, phone line and fax 
machine. What people don?t want to understand 
Chapter Eight - Accommodation 103
 is that if my business is successful I?ll be employing 
people and it means less people are going to be 
unemployed. I can employ somebody from the 
Traveller as well as from the housed community? 
(G M 21-30).
 ?Yes, it did [aect business whilst the site was 
unauthorised]. I never went to work. All I did 
was this [focus on the planning case]. We sold 
everything we had. I had a new chalet when we 
was on the [council] site, sold everything and that 
kept me going all through it. My brother went to 
work after a few months and went to work every 
day, but I worked on this like a job of work and 
besides that I had to do this chalet up as we were 
in trailers. The rest of the time I worked constantly 
at getting it passed. Constantly at it! I think 
that was one of the reasons we were successful, 
because we constantly worked at it? (G M 41-50).
 Living on an authorised site contributes towards 
economic and social inclusion
 Despite the anxiety and expense of such 
planning applications respondents were all 
agreed that, once planning permission was 
granted, residence on a private site was a 
signicant key to greater nancial stability for 
a family as well as enabling access to increased 
rates of social and economic inclusion:
 ?I think we?ve just settled more and more. My 
sister has got 2 boys they go to schools; they are 
in the local football team with the school and my 
daughter goes to college. My husband?s business 
took o a bit more [as], he has got a reputation 
for what he does in the local area. Obviously 
not being on the council site where we were and 
moving to here it helped us no end because when 
we advertise or want to sell something it is a lot 
easier to sell from here than it was to sell from the 
council site. You have these stereotypes attached 
to the [council] site?(G F 51-60).
 Negative aspects of Housing
 Housed Gypsies and Travellers (particularly 
in public sector accommodation) frequently 
experience acute exclusion
 As discussed above, the interview data revealed 
that in recent years there had been a signicant 
rise in the number of interviewees living in 
housing who at earlier periods in their lives had 
been nomadic or lived on Traveller sites. There 
is little published research into the experiences 
of housed Gypsies and Travellers (Cemlyn et al 
2009). However, that which exists is consistent 
in identifying poor health outcomes associated 
with residence in housing; with particular 
emphasis on a decline in mental health (Van 
Cleemput et al, 2007; Greenelds and Smith, 
2010). It is estimated that at least half of the 
Gypsy and Traveller populations of the UK live in 
housing (CRE, 2004). A report by Shelter (2007) 
noted the extreme isolation that housing can 
have for Gypsy and Traveller families as well 
as in some cases fragmentation of social and 
work networks (Richardson et. al., 2007). Some 
studies indicate that interviewees experience 
extreme frustration at their lack of mobility and 
what they see as a deliberate destruction of 
their nomadic culture and forced assimilation 
(Cemlyn et. al., 2009; Greenelds and Smith, 
2010; Clark and Greenelds, 2006), all elements 
identied by interviewees in the TEIP (Chapter 
10):
 ?I detest it [being in a house]. I hate it. I?d be in a 
trailer in half a minute if there was anywhere [to 
live], a decent local site. I have neighbours, I speak 
to my next door neighbour but the neighbours 
apart from that I couldn?t tell you what they look 
like never mind their names. I don?t like that; I like 
to know people, I like to see who is around me, 
there?s no community spirit anymore. In an ideal 
world I?d rather be in a trailer travelling up and 
down but it?s not practical, next best thing?s a site 
obviously, but there?s nowhere decent in the town? 
(G M 31-40).
 Despite the isolation which was frequently 
cited by interviewees, for some participants 
housing was a welcome respite from the cycle 
of eviction, as well as providing better access to 
services and physical security for their family. 
However, making the transition to living in a 
house also introduced interviewees to new 
cultural patterns and challenges, such as having 
to come to terms with household budgeting for 
utilities bills (as opposed to buying a gas bottle 
when required) which were new and daunting 
experiences for some interviewees:
 ?I?ve never ever had any knowledge about council 
tax, paying water rates because when you live 
in a trailer on the side of the road you don?t do 
things like that. There should be someone who 
comes when you move from a trailer and from a 
Gypsy life, a Traveller life and move into a house. A 
person should be in every town who is specialised 
in showing people to do the bills because I had to 
nd out on my own. I?m the only one who lives in 
Chapter Eight - Accommodation 104
 a house, no one else has done it in my family. It 
was verystressful at the time. I went to the Citizens 
Advice Bureau. They were helpful and they sorted 
things out they made an action plan about 
everything what I needed to do? (G F 41-50).
 As discussed further in Chapter 12 there are 
a number of good practice examples such as 
the employment of local authority housing 
outreach sta and the use of Supporting 
People projects to provide advice to Gypsies 
and Travellers making the transition into 
housing. However, such projects are limited in 
geographical area and may not be accessed by 
the very families most in need of support.
 Housed Gypsies and Travellers are more closely 
linked to the waged economy
 Individuals and families living in houses were (in 
our TEIP sample) primarily engaged in waged 
labour. Whilst some interviewees whose families 
were long-term settled had participated in a 
more ?mainstream? career path, for others who 
had formerly been involved in the Traveller 
economy new challenges could arise. Thus, the 
transition from ?traditional? to paid employment 
in some cases may have arisen as a response 
to the fact that lack of constant contact with 
Traveller social networks meant there were less 
opportunities of, and peer expectations to, work 
within the Traveller Economy. We have seen 
too (Chapter 5) some interviewees reporting 
moving away from their former sites to escape 
the peer pressure they had faced after having 
taken up occupations which were considered 
to be outside the norm of Traveller economic 
practices.
 Negative aspects of living on Local Authority 
Sites
 The duty to provide public Gypsy and Traveller 
sites created by the 1968 Caravan Sites Act 
(repealed in 1994 under the CJPOA) led to 
the creation of approximately 350 sites in 
England. As has been well documented, 
many publicly provided sites were of poor 
quality, and are located on land deemed 
unsuitable for ?conventional housing? e.g. 
built on contaminated land or located close 
to motorways, adjoining sewage works etc. 
As a result of the shortage of site provision 
many public sites have become overcrowded 
and despite access in some cases to centrally 
funded refurbishment grants many are still in 
extremely poor or unsafe condition (Niner, 2003; 
Richardson, 2007; Cemlyn et. al., 2009).
 ?They put the sites on the railways lines or they put 
a big bank all the way round or put it somewhere 
where nobody can see us. I mean we are people we 
deserve to be seen? (G M 71-80).
 Thus, many Gypsies and Travellers who reside 
on local authority sites, nd themselves living 
in poorly selected locations, in poor quality 
and badly maintained accommodation 
where for example ?slabs? on which caravans 
are placed are cracked and broken or utility 
blocks containing washing machines and 
showers are damp or poorly heated (Cemlyn 
et al 2009, Niner, 2003), and frequently facing 
high rates of unemployment. A consistent 
complaint amongst tenants concerns the 
high rents which are disproportionate when 
one considers that residents must provide 
their own homes (caravans); and that services 
are frequently poorly delivered so that (for 
example) post is delivered to a central point 
on site to be collected by tenants or rubbish 
collection is from a central point or at the 
main gate of a potentially large site. It has 
been claimed in a number of reports that poor 
services and high rents on public sites may 
both be a cause of friction between neighbours 
and between local authorities and residents 
as well as a disincentive to some families to 
come o benets and gain employment (ITMB 
2007; Cemlyn et. al., 2009). Whilst some local 
authorities are rightly praised for their high 
standards and responsive sta, all too often, 
the combination of dreadful accommodation 
conditions and the often isolated locations of 
sites, which may have poor transport links to 
adjoining neighbourhoods, exacerbate the risk 
of social exclusion created by geographical 
paucity of place.
 Economic Barriers for Public Site Residents
 Nomadism is becoming less nancially viable as 
an economic strategy
 Niner, in her 2003 survey of local authority 
sites quoted a respondent who felt that more 
sedentary living patterns associated with 
residence on public sites was damaging the 
economic sustainability of Gypsy and Traveller 
families. This particular interviewee argued 
further that the reasons for following a nomadic 
lifestyle are both economic and cultural and 
Chapter Eight - Accommodation 105
 thus benet dependency follows adoption of a 
static lifestyle (Niner, 2003, 210).
 Whilst this argument was advanced in relation 
to restrictions on how long an individual could 
leave an ?empty? pitch and thus perhaps was 
more valid some years ago than now, there are 
still a number of core truths in this statement. 
However, such are the restrictions on nomadism 
in the 21st Century that it is probably far more 
dicult to operate a viable business for a family 
who are predominantly nomadic, even if they 
do have a ?homebase? to which they can return.
 In the TEIP survey respondents with more 
successful businesses within the ?Traveller 
Economy? had predominantly adopted more 
sedentary lifestyles (even if they remained living 
on a site). However, increasing poverty of place 
and high unemployment associated with some 
sites and localities potentially has something 
of a ?domino eect? reducing the opportunities 
for generating work (and associated in-family/
 group on-the-job training) within the Traveller 
Economy as members of close social networks 
are all (or mainly) unemployed as a result of 
their tendency to utilise bonding social capital 
to access work.
 There is employment discrimination/exclusion 
linked to residence on sites
 Interviewees living on local authority 
sites frequently referred to address based 
discrimination as exacerbating unemployment, 
with potential employers not wanting to 
oer jobs to people who are clearly identied 
as Gypsies and Travellers. This issue of 
discrimination in access to employment is 
discussed in greater depth in Chapter Ten
 A number of reports have found that Traveller 
businesses (predominantly in the traditional 
economy) have suered signicantly from site 
restrictions on trading/certain trades and a 
concomitant failure by local authorities to help 
Travellers adapt to such restrictions where these 
have been introduced, or when a family move to 
such a location (ITMB 2007; Cemlyn et. al., 2009). 
Thus for example, Niner (2003, pp. 119-120) 
found that on 68 per cent of sites she surveyed, 
working was not permitted from the site (for 
example, storage of scrap or disposal of green 
waste from gardening work).
 In addition, Communities and Local 
Government guidance on site design explicitly 
discourages work spaces being provided on 
pitches whilst failing to recommend alternative 
models for supporting economic activities 
amongst those working in the traditional 
Traveller economy:
 ?Gypsy and Traveller sites are essentially 
residential and those living there are entitled to 
a peaceful and enjoyable environment. Draft 
Communities and Local Government guidance 
on site management proposes that working from 
residential pitches should be discouraged
 and that residents should not normally be allowed 
to work elsewhere on site? (CLG 2008).
 Little evidence in the TEIP survey of support for 
on-site work areas ? nearby work areas would 
be welcomed
 As we have identied above there is 
considerable evidence of unemployment 
amongst residents of local authority sites 
(Cemlyn et. al). In part, because of our 
concentration on employed and ?successful?/
 nancially included Gypsies and Travellers we 
only undertook twelve interviews with G/ITs 
living on local authority sites. Of these twelve 
respondents, none expressed concerns about 
working restrictions on sites, although this is 
likely to relate to the fact that these men were 
predominantly engaged in activities such as 
market training, retail sales, window tting, 
construction and gardening work that do not 
require extensive ?on site? work activities. Some 
types of work e.g. repair of machinery, whilst 
technically against site rules are regarded 
as easier to conceal or in some locations 
are permitted under site regulations. Only 
one respondent explicitly mentioned work 
restrictions on local authority sites and he was 
supportive of the idea of regulation of work 
related activities on rented sites:
 ?Sites have got to be a place to live rst. OK the 
guy next door deals in trailers but what if he was 
dumping dung or burning copper? I agree that 
they need a place to work from, but why does it 
have to be on the site? Work can be done from 
somewhere else - like an industrial estate not from 
a home. When this place was rst built there was 
a compound where you could do work and it was 
horrendous. You don?t want to come home and try 
and get your car past loads of cars dripping oil and 
loads of muck all over the place? (G M 61-70).
 Whilst highly sympathetic to the point raised 
by the interviewee above, the feasibility of such 
zoning of work/residential areas does to a large 
extent depend upon alternative locations being 
Chapter Eight - Accommodation 106
 available for individuals who work from home. 
It should be noted however, that few local 
authorities have ensured access to o-site work 
areas and rental of plots on industrial estates 
does depend upon access to a suitable location, 
the willingness of the estate owner to rent space 
to a Gypsy or Traveller and the self employed 
person engaged in the Traveller economy 
having access to enough of a regular income 
to be able to aord such a rental. Given that a 
large number of local authority sites are located 
in deprived areas, as are a number of housing 
estates with large concentrations of Gypsies 
and Travellers (see further Cemlyn et al, 2009), 
high levels of surrounding social exclusion and 
associated poor access to services, support 
and limited work opportunities are likely to 
be critical hurdles to be overcome if eective 
strategies are to be developed for supporting 
the traditional Traveller economy amongst 
public site residents.
 Personal Finance Issues
 The subject of access to/interest in mortgages 
and levels of debt are regarded as particularly 
sensitive subjects when undertaking research 
with Gypsy and Traveller communities who 
are perhaps more ?private? with regard to 
personal nancial matters than are many more 
mainstream populations who are potentially 
familiar with surveys and research which 
explores nancial status in considerable detail. 
In total 59/86 (69%) of the sample discussed 
some element of personal nances with the TEIP 
team.
 The ndings relating to interest in/desire for 
a mortgage varied according to the current 
accommodation status of respondents. Of 
the sample of G/ITs resident in housing, 8 
interviewees/13.5% reported that they already 
had a mortgage whilst (20 interviewees/34% 
reported that they would like to be able to 
buy property/obtain a mortgage if they could. 
Nearly one in four respondents (24% of the 
sample) who answered this question did not 
wish to obtain a mortgage which is considerably 
higher than we would expect to see in the 
?mainstream? population where nearly 70% of 
households are owner-occupiers (see above). 
Almost another third of respondents (28%) 
reported that the question was not applicable 
to their circumstances. This gure largely relates 
to interviewees who stated that they felt their 
credit history, ethnicity and (for older people) 
age would be a signicant drawback to securing 
a mortgage.
 Those respondents who lived in houses and 
owned their properties outright were largely 
Table 19: Gypsy and Irish Travellers and Access to Mortgages
 0% 5% 10% 15% 20% 25% 30% 35% 40%
 Not Applicable
 Don't want Mortgage
 Want/ Interested in Mortgage
 Have Mortgage 13.56%
 33.90%
 23.73%
 28.81%
 Mortgage
Chapter Eight - Accommodation 107
 older people who lived in self-built bungalows 
(the form of ?conventional housing of choice for 
many Gypsies and Travellers, see further GTANA 
evidence and Cemlyn et. al, 2009) on land which 
they had purchased years previously when land 
costs were greatly less than their current prices.
 One younger interviewee had managed to 
attain a mortgage-free existence by buying a 
derelict home and undertaking the renovation 
himself. Another (housed) interviewee in waged 
employment acquired a mortgage because 
she felt that there was little dierence in cost 
between paying a mortgage and paying rent.
 ?My rent was 400 pounds a month and my 
mortgage is not much more than that so I thought 
one day ?it is a waste [paying rent]? and some day it 
is going to be something for my children whether 
they want it or not? (IT F 41-50).
 TEIP found signicant opposition to taking out 
loans to buy homes
 Despite the number of respondents who 
indicated an interest in ways of nancing home 
ownership, in general, interviewees expressed 
?in principle? an opposition to mortgages or 
doubts that they would be a viable option for 
people in their position:
 ?I don?t like to be in debt. My view on that point is 
if you want to buy something and if you have got 
the money then go ahead but if you haven?t, don?t 
get into any debt. That?s how I look at it? 
(G F 31-40)
 ?I live in a bungalow, this is mine, there?s no 
mortgage. In the past I did take out a loan and 
when I retired I got a gratuity and paid it o. I don?t 
owe anyone anything. This place cost me 14k?I 
don?t think they [other Travellers] will go for a 
mortgage, its well outside their scope. I was lucky 
I worked for the council but most Travellers work 
for themselves. If Travellers could buy land with 
planning permission they would jump at that? (G 
M 71-80).
 The rst quotation reveals traditional Gypsy and 
Traveller ambivalence towards debt, a nding 
which is congruent with attitudes to preferences 
for Traveller economies/self-employment, 
independence and employment exibility (see 
further Chapter 4), all factors which will prove 
further obstacles to mortgage uptake, over and 
above lack of scal assets. The quotations below 
reveal typical trepidation about the experience 
of taking out a mortgage ? a procedure which 
is new to most Gypsies and Travellers and has 
not been internalised as ?normalised debt? as is 
common within mainstream society:
 ?We thought about a mortgage a few years ago 
when my husband had a job and earned enough 
to cover the monthly payment and then he lost his 
job and he got a new one but it is not guaranteed. 
I thought if he happens to lose that job we would 
lose the house as well so we carried on renting it 
from the council? (G F 31-40).
 ?I built a bungalow that was back in 1984. Before 
that I had another bungalow but that never did 
me no good. I was in regular work then. As soon 
as I got the mortgage I got made redundant and 
it made me go a bit doolally [depressed/suering 
from mental ill-health] in my nerves because of the 
pressure of a mortgage. I swore from that day that 
if I couldn?t have something I can?t pay for I won?t 
have it? (G M 61-70).
 Discrimination against Gypsies and Travellers 
limits the opportunities to secure credit
 As a result of awareness and experience of the 
sometimes precarious nature of the Traveller 
economy there was a feeling amongst
 interviewees that certain lifestyle/work patterns 
could make Gypsies and Travellers ineligible 
for a mortgage. When this was coupled with 
justiable concerns pertaining to discrimination 
as a result of their ethnic origins (see further 
Chapter 10) many respondents felt that they 
would be refused credit if they should ever 
apply for a loan or mortgage to purchase land 
or a house.
 ?I personally don?t have a mortgage literally 
because of my work history and because of the 
way.... I don?t want to sound like I?m a victim but 
the race issue has been a problem a number 
of times at work so I haven?t actually stayed in 
certain jobs for long. I had just a couple of places 
where they obviously judged me on my work merit 
and not on my ethnicity? (G M 21-30).
 ?Travellers don?t have much of a credit rating and 
you need a credit rating to get a mortgage. I was 
lucky because I?d taken a couple of loans out and 
my dad helped because my dad got a loan out 
before so it wasn?t too bad. Banks don?t worry 
about lending the money if you are going to stay 
there for the long term, they are always frightened 
that you are going to sell and go to somewhere 
else? (G F 31-40).
Chapter Eight - Accommodation 108
 A further obstacle cited by interviewees was a 
lack of awareness about the actual processes 
involved in taking out a mortgage:
 ?Yes, it would be lovely but we don?t know how to 
go about it, the majority don?t know how to go 
about it. We don?t know how to get a loan. You 
need proper ocial jobs and things like that. We?d 
love to be helped to do this. How can we?? 
(IT M 31-40).
 Some interviewees were unaware of what a 
mortgage actually was and such was their level 
of nancial exclusion they did not even have a 
bank account. For some interviewees without 
a xed address they could not even accrue 
the level of documentation and credit history 
to take the rst step on the ladder of nancial 
inclusion by obtaining a bank account. Thus, a 
mortgage was for some particularly excluded 
Gypsies and Travellers an unobtainable dream:
 ?I can?t get a bank account. I?ve been down there 
I need 7 forms of ID all to the same address and I 
just can?t do it. I?ve been to lots of dierent banks 
and they say we need telephone bills and a water 
bill and I just haven?t got them? (G F 21-30).
 One older interviewee stressed that access to 
mortgages would be benecial for Gypsies 
and Travellers, particularly as allowing greater 
economic stability if they could obtain a site 
through obtaining access to nancial inclusion. 
He stressed that during the current period 
of restricted credit Gypsies and Travellers are 
probably more adaptable than many other 
populations and through a combination of 
thrift, hard work and informal borrowing, 
families could probably gather the required 
capital to purchase land:
 ?I think they would be interested in owning, part-
 owning or buying their own land. But you know 
with this credit crunch, people were hurt with this 
credit crunch. I think Gypsies are more adaptable 
than that. I think when there is a credit crunch they 
don?t want credit, they are better suited to pulling 
their belts in according to their means and not 
being in trouble and I think that is a good way to 
go ? (G F 61-70).
 The above quotation contains some revealing 
insights into traditional G/IT approaches to 
nancial matters. In the past, rather than get 
into debt, Gypsies and Travellers would save 
money towards major purchases. To a certain 
extent the traditional Traveller economy was 
eective in reducing outlay on accommodation 
through enabling participants to practice 
nomadism which simultaneously maximised 
their potential to generate income through 
traveling considerable distances to access 
work. A number of the interviewees recounted 
how they or their parents had moved from 
following nomadic practices to more sedentary 
lifestyles, as a result of having acquired their 
own family sites with the capital saved during 
the years of nomadic employment. Families 
who had developed their family sites reported 
that they had often been able to do so because 
the land they had purchased had been at the 
time relatively cheap or (in the case of some 
unauthorised developments) was low cost 
agricultural land enabling them to use any 
purchase money left over to pay legal fees to 
ght for planning permission.
 ?I suppose it would work for younger ones [credit 
for home ownership], I?m too old for that, this 
piece of land cost me only ?1000 but now they 
would want a considerable lot more for a ?passed? 
[with planning permission] piece of land. A lot 
depends on what a lad has coming in and how 
much debt he wants. You can?t get a banker to give 
a mortgage on land only if there is a house on it? 
(G M 51-60).
 For some respondents, buying low cost 
agricultural land was the only option to 
purchase land for a family site, as is testied by 
the interviewee quoted above (and see further 
earlier discussion on inated prices charged 
for land with extant planning permission for a 
Traveller site). That it is not currently possible for 
an individual to secure credit on land without 
planning permission (a theme to which we 
return in Chapter 12) is one factor in driving 
inated costs for Traveller sites, coupled with a 
failure of local authorities to identify aordable 
land. This reduced ability for families to develop 
sites from which they can develop their 
economic activities is strongly implicated in the 
decline of the ?Traveller Economy? reducing the 
options of having work/home bases as well as 
the ability to increase the value of assets tied to 
land ownership.
 Aspirations to own Sites
 Self-provision is the ideal of many Gypsies and 
Travellers
 There is abundant evidence that residence 
Chapter Eight - Accommodation 109
 at a ?self-provided? private family site is the 
preferred option for large numbers of Gypsies 
and Travellers interviewed for GTANAs and 
other associated studies (Thomason, 2006; 
Greenelds & Home, 2007; Cemlyn et. al., 2009). 
These ndings were conrmed in the interviews 
for the TEIP in which a quarter of the survey 
expressed a preference for a privately owned 
site:
 ?I?d like to have a piece of land for my own family 
for my own clan and look after it. There is a lot 
of land in England that is just wasted. Take the 
numbers of the Gypsies up and down England 
and Ireland and take the non-used land. I don?t 
mean the green belt land and forests I mean the 
non-used ones. Little plots of land, let the Gypsies 
buy them, let the Gypsies put their own things and 
facilities on them and let them get on with it. No 
drain on the community no drain on the council, 
we?re pay our way and leave us be? (G M 51-60).
 High land costs and restrictions are limiting the 
scope for private sites
 As discussed earlier in this chapter, high land 
costs are likely to deter and impede Gypsy and 
Traveller families developing their own sites. 
This is a problem that will grow considering 
the current political administration?s Gypsy 
and Traveller accommodation policies have 
undergone a signicant change of emphasis. 
At the time of writing it was understood, that 
once ?local and historic demand? for sites has 
been met, greater enforcement powers will 
be brought into play to curtail unauthorised 
developments (Avebury et al 2010; Cabinet 
Oce, 2010). Activists and policy monitoring 
groups have reported their concern that the 
number of pitches local authorities identify as 
constituting ?local and historic demand? will be 
lower than the targets set through GTANA and 
Regional Spatial Strategies.
 An additional concern over aordability and 
deliverability of sites relates to the potential 
that land identied as suitable for Traveller sites 
in development plans (even before permission 
is granted) will prove to be as valuable as land 
designated for housing and thus will remain 
outside the nancial reach of many Gypsies and 
Travellers.
 Aspirations to Own Land and the Impact on 
Employment and Family Patterns
 In view of Gypsies? and Travellers? stated 
preference to own their own accommodation 
and the likelihood that opportunities to save 
and borrow money from other family members 
or purchase and develop low cost agricultural 
land are likely to become ever more restricted, 
we suggest that fundamental changes may 
need to occur in Traveller economic practices 
if there is to continue to be a market in home-
 ownership for traditionally accommodated 
families.
 If a commitment is made to deliver credit 
to Gypsies and Travellers in a manner which 
permits equality with other communities e,g the 
potential to obtain a mortgage on undeveloped 
land, then to facilitate the purchase of such 
land, self-employed Travellers will need to 
provide proof of earnings over a two or three 
year period in the manner familiar to housed 
businessmen who wish to obtain a mortgage. 
In practice, this may mean that business people 
working in the Traveller economy will not 
be able to change and adapt to uctuating 
employment opportunities as frequently as 
they have in the past as this would disrupt the 
continuity of employment/earnings required to 
establish credit-worthiness. It can therefore be 
argued that the requirements of bureaucracy 
and modern society may potentially stie 
economic adaptation, innovation and versatility 
amongst the communities. However, as 
was noted in Chapter 4, there is a realism in 
Gypsy and Travellers understanding of their 
circumstances and the realisation of the need 
for change in order to survive has led to a 
movement towards more regulated work 
practices within the Traveller Economy which 
may in time provide sucient grounding for 
more people working within this sector to 
establish access to loans and mortgages.
 It should be noted however, that of the growing 
number of community members engaged 
in paid labour, those in low skilled and low 
waged labour will probably never be able to 
attain sucient resources to secure credit for 
a large purchase such as land and even those 
employed in the relatively better paid third 
sector may have diculties in securing sucient 
credit for such purposes. The majority of the 
interviewees working in the third sector were 
based in the South East where the level of their 
salaries and/or status as sole or main household 
Chapter Eight - Accommodation 110
 income earner means that they are unlikely to 
ever be able to aord to step onto the highly 
inated property ladder within the region whilst 
working in this employment sector. The survey 
of English Housing Preliminary Results 2007/08 
has noted nearly two-thirds (64 per cent) of 
those buying with a mortgage had a joint 
income of ?30,000 or more and in the South-
 East the level of household income required 
for an average property is ?65,290 (National 
Housing Federation, 2010). Wages in the low 
skilled sector for Gypsies and Travellers will be 
signicantly below this pay level (typically at 
level of ?minimal wage? equating to less than 
?12,000 per year) and it is extremely rare in 
the community sector (other than for those 
in management level positions) to achieve a 
salary of ?30,000 or more, eectively precluding 
land purchase in higher cost areas unless 
both members of a partnership work or family 
members utilise their bonding capital to enter 
into hard to administer and dicult to fund 
joint mortgage agreements.
 These important accommodation and 
income generation trends are likely to require 
adaptation which will have impacts in many 
other areas of traditional Gypsy and Traveller 
life. For example, an emergent pattern is 
that more women within the community are 
likely to have to work in order to supplement 
household incomes and aord home/land 
ownership. In the past nancially successful 
older Gypsies and Travellers had accrued wealth 
through the mechanism of saving then buying 
a family site, and from these premises (often 
including a self-built bungalow) developing 
and running a thriving business which they 
could then pass onto their family and with time 
move into semi or full retirement (often during 
their 50s) whilst enjoying the support of their 
family who would frequently co-reside on the 
land (see further Chapter Four). In the future, 
in contrast, Gypsies and Travellers and their 
children are likely to need to continue to work 
into and beyond ?mainstream? retirement age to 
nance site ownership and to have to consider 
entering private pension schemes to nance 
their retirement, a trend which reects similar 
developments in wider society.
 The Accommodation Industry
 There is a growing national shortage of Traveller 
sites
 As has been emphasised continually within 
this report the shortage of site provision is a 
major driver of economic exclusion. In Niner?s 
(2003) review it was estimated that a total 
of 3000-4500 new pitches (both transit and 
permanent) would be required to meet the then 
current need by 2008. To deliver these pitches 
in a timely manner would require the delivery 
of 600-900 plots per annum but, by 2005, 
there had been a net gain of only 140 pitches 
per annum ? just 15-25 per cent of the need 
identied in Niner?s study (Cemlyn et al 2009). 
Registered social landlords have also proved 
reluctant to engage in site development and 
have thus not been able to compensate for the 
slow pace of site delivery by local authorities.
 Increasing site provision can create employment 
opportunities
 However, (and see further the discussion on 
Community Land Trusts in Chapter 12) scope 
does exist for the communities themselves to 
provide new sites and in the process, to create 
new modes of employment for community 
members. Six of the interviewees were engaged 
in the Gypsy and Traveller accommodation 
?industry? (1 site owner, 1 site warden, 1 director 
of a community interest company, 1 local 
authority accommodation manager and 2 
retired Gypsy and Traveller Liaison Ocers 
who had primarily dealt with accommodation 
issues). The following section of the report 
details some important aspects of their work 
experiences in the accommodation sector and 
assesses the potential for future developments 
within this eld.
 Support is needed for community members to 
deliver eective site management
 One interviewee who has established an 
extremely well run series of private rented sites 
which are widely recognised as a model of 
good practice in service delivery, felt that more 
support and guidance in establishing private 
sites would be benecial to assist others who 
wished to follow in her footsteps: .
Chapter Eight - Accommodation 111
 ?I think some assistance in the early days when 
it came to permission and rent levels and all that 
that would have been helpful because we went 
down a long road, as we went along, the road got 
harder and longer. That?s why I say if the Gypsies 
have proper advice it would be less expensive for 
them and less of an emotional rollercoaster ride 
and I think they deserve that. You need to read and 
write and the numeracy because of the campsite 
management and the costing and the budgeting 
and things like that. As long as you got a heart 
and you know your subject almost anybody could 
do it you know. It used to be a sideline in a eld 
for me. When you get involved with something 
like supporting people you have to come up with 
the quality assessment framework which is quite 
a big document it has got everything in it from 
health and safety and its performance indicators 
and things like that and the law of course. You 
need to know more about it, you have to do risk 
assessments so it is much more [complicated] than 
it ever was? (G F 61-70).
 Attending courses leading to the Business and 
Technical Education Council (BTEC) Advanced 
Award in Site Management both provide useful 
ways for would-be sites managers to address a 
number of challenges they are likely to meet. 
Access to such information and training will 
also be of assistance to community members 
who wish to develop their knowledge of site 
management and enter into this work area 
either providing rented accommodation (if 
they access nance to support such a business) 
or as an employee of local authorities, private 
landlords or other providers of accommodation 
including a range of registered social landlords 
(RSLs). One of the local community groups that 
interviewed for the TEIP reported that they were 
keen to attract sponsorship for Gypsies and 
Travellers to attend this course as they felt that 
site management would be a growth area of 
employment for community members. In the 
past there has been considerable debate by 
policy practitioners and community members 
as to whether GRT site managers are the most 
appropriate people to undertake such work. 
Those opposed to the employment of GRT 
sta in this eld refer to anecdotal tales of 
perceived authoritarian management regimes 
and exclusivity or factional allocation policies. 
Others have argued that sites are better 
managed by people who are fully familiar with 
and understand the culture of the residents 
(Niner, 2003 98). The interviewees who were 
involved in site management argued that their 
intimate knowledge of their community has 
enhanced their site management skills:
 ?I work with the Traveller community and I know 
everything about them, the way they think and the 
way to approach them. You go in like a bulldog, 
they?ll be a bulldog back. I know their needs 
because I have the same needs? (G F 41-50).
 Given the complexity of site management 
and the announcement that private and local 
authority Gypsy and Traveller sites will in due 
course be governed by the provisions of the 
Mobile Homes Act 1983 (Johnson et al 2010), 
there is a growing need for site managers 
to be fully aware of relevant legislation and 
precise procedures to ensure that they are 
able to deliver services in accordance with 
set regulations. There is evidence of Gypsies 
and Travellers growing ever more condent 
and comfortable in engaging with complex 
professional training as evidenced by the 
growing uptake of legal training in site 
management and planning matters. Not only 
does this take-up of specialist training ensure 
that community up-skilling and knowledge 
sharing can occur, but as good practice 
develops it should also reduce the incidence 
of unfair practices cited by Niner (2003) and 
anecdotal sources.
 Indeed the scope for greater Gypsy and 
Traveller employment in the management 
of local authority/RSL sites could also be 
facilitated through the policy promotion of 
transferring assets from local authorities to 
community group management (CLG 2009). 
Thus, potentially local community or site 
residents? groups may be able to take over the 
management of local authority sites. To date 
only a limited number of residents? groups 
exist across the network of approximately 324 
local authority sites. However, organisations 
such as the Irish Traveller Movement in Britain 
and Friends, Families and Travellers and 
the Travellers Aid Trust are supporting and 
developing the establishment of such groups 
through the provision of training, guidance and 
capacity building programmes.
 Increasing opportunities exist for Gypsies and 
Travellers to develop commercial rented sites
 One of the TEIP interviewees had made a rst 
venture into site development and had formed 
a Community Interest Company to specialize 
in this eld. Community Interest Companies 
(CICs) are limited companies, with specialised 
additional features, a model created for the 
purpose of supporting individuals or groups 
who wish to conduct a business or other activity 
Chapter Eight - Accommodation 112
 for community benet, rather than purely for 
private commercial advantage. By establishing a 
?community interest test? and ?asset lock?, which 
ensures that the prots and assets of the CIC are 
dedicated to community purposes, and by the 
requirement for registration and monitoring of 
the company by a CIC Regulator, the essential 
nature of the CIC remains unchangeable to 
ensure that the Company delivers appropriate 
services to the community (CIC Website, 2010). 
The interviewee who had established an 
accommodation focused CIC reported that:
 ?The business came out of necessity... we saw 
the sites weren?t being run properly, we saw the 
sites weren?t being built properly and costing 
ridiculous amounts of money for fairly low quality 
sites. We saw a way we could use our Gypsy and 
Traveller skills to do a better job. Most businesses 
you set up, it?s ocial and very straightforward, 
but because we went through the Community 
Interest Company (CIC) route it was slightly 
more awkward to do a check on ourselves and 
show that it was for the community. Just to give 
you a little background on Community Interest 
Companies; say for instance I am working in 
my home town now and I?m building a site, and 
that site shows ?80,000 prot, at least ?60,000 
of that prot is going to go back into the local 
community; We can?t take bonuses out of it, we 
can?t take dividends out of it. I think there?re about 
50 or maybe a 100 CIC companies in the UK and 
we were one of the rst in the country to set up a 
CIC? (G M 31-40).
 Support in the establishment of this important 
venture was available from Future Builders, 
which is a Government supported investment 
fund which provided important initial start up 
capital. At the time of writing the Department 
for Communities and Local Government were 
exploring how enhanced social enterprise 
tools and mechanisms can be applied to site 
provision to drive both accommodation and 
employment related asset development.
 Conclusion
 Within this chapter the TEIP has identied 
some of the challenges to economic inclusion 
experienced by Gypsies and Travellers in 
dierent types of accommodation and outlined 
the ways in which access to credit and methods 
of developing and managing sites could build 
upon traditional employment models to 
enhance cultural acceptability. If these options 
are developed further, accommodation and 
related employment opportunities may form 
an important strut to formulating strategies to 
support Gypsy and Traveller economic inclusion 
whilst engaging with current policy trends.
 Critically however, in the light of diminished 
educational opportunities (see Chapter 9) 
and the lack of experience of many Gypsy and 
Traveller entrepreneurs who are best placed 
to work on site delivery, it is important to 
ensure that the requisite support, training 
and resources are made available by Central 
Government and community enterprise 
agencies. If this strategy can come to fruition, 
an increase in the supply of sites, in good 
locations and with good facilities will provide 
the foundation upon which many more families 
can achieve economic and social inclusion.
Chapter Nine
 Education and Training
Chapter Nine - Education and Training 114
 Chapter Nine
 Education and Training
 Introduction
 The European educationalist Li?geois, (writing 
in 1998) captured the importance of education 
to increasing the social inclusion of Roma, 
Gypsies and Travellers as well as enhancing their 
capacity for autonomy during a period of rapid 
social change.
 ?Education increases personal autonomy, 
providing the tools for adapting to a changing 
environment and a means of self-defence from 
the forces of assimilation; it makes it possible to 
break out of the passive rut of welfarism to play an 
active role in cultural and political development? 
(Li?geois, 1998, 19)
 For interviewees who participated in the TEIP, 
their individualised degree of access to and 
participation in education, and their own and 
family attitudes towards formal education and 
training have been some of the most important 
predictors of their life chances, helping to shape 
their opportunities for economic inclusion. 
The TEIP project has also revealed examples 
of extraordinary achievement and success 
by Gypsies and Travellers who have achieved 
economic inclusion through overcoming 
signicant disadvantage, which has been 
exacerbated by minimal access to formal 
education.
 The Educational Status of Interviewees? 
Parents
 It has long been accepted that parental 
socio-economic status is transmitted 
intergenerationally, with familial social 
mobility more likely to occur where parental 
educational status is relatively high. Thus, 
parental academic achievement/duration 
of education are frequently taken as a proxy 
marker for identifying and measuring the 
social inclusion and risk factors for children 
and young people (see further: Chowdry et.al., 
2009). Accordingly, we have adopted this as 
one measure for exploring the ?baseline? from 
which TEIP participants have developed their 
current degree of nancial and social inclusion/
 economic status.
 status (even ignoring issues of frequent 
movement, poverty, experiences of racism etc) 
the attainments of the ?successful? Gypsies and
 Travellers interviewed for the TEIP are in the 
main exceptional. Given the high degree of 
educational exclusion experienced not only 
by the majority of respondents but also by 
their parents; without determination, exibility 
and resilience, interviewees could have been 
expected to suer a signicantly greater level 
of exclusion on all domains that we found 
within the TEIP. We set out to explore the level 
of educational attainment of respondents? 
parents to enable consideration of how 
eective education and training have been in 
enabling social inclusion within our sample or 
whether inter-generational skills transmission 
(particularly for those engaged in the Traveller 
economy) have produced the most eective 
mechanisms for developing economic and 
social capital.
 Table 19 demonstrates starkly the low levels 
of literacy/access to education experienced 
by the G/IT respondents? parents. Although 
respondents reported that their mothers 
had received more formal education than 
their fathers (as is common today within the 
community) a sharp decline can be observed 
in attendance at secondary school level, for 
both genders a pattern which is still prevalent 
(see further Cemlyn et. al., 2009) and overall 
relatively few interviewees had parents who 
had accessed school on a regular basis, a 
nding which is almost certainly related to the 
high degree of mobility/nomadism of parents 
recorded in Chapter 8. It should be noted that 
in a small number of cases interviewees were 
of mixed heritage and in all of these eight cases 
it was the parent from the settled community 
who had attended school for a longer period 
than had the their spouse.
 It is noteworthy that low/non participation of 
parents in formal schooling was spread fairly 
evenly through the age bands, including the 
under 30 age category as 6 interviewees in 
this younger group had parents who were 
functionally illiterate or who had not been 
able to access any formal education. A slightly 
larger proportion (45% of the sample) had 
parents who had attended school either 
regularly or irregularly up to the secondary 
leaving age. None of the Gypsy or Irish Traveller 
interviewees? parents had been to university 
and this includes respondents who are of dual 
heritage and have one parent from a non-
Chapter Nine - Education and Training 115
 Gypsy/Traveller background. Amongst the wider 
sample (including Roma/New Travellers), two 
New Traveller interviewees reported that their 
parents had received a university education.
 Interviewee?s Educational Participation/
 Achievement
 To enable us to explore whether the TEIP 
respondents had been able to receive a higher 
level of formal education than their parents 
we asked interviewees about their own 
educational experiences and possession of their 
highest qualications. Tables 20 and 21 below 
demonstrate the ndings from these questions, 
revealing a marked dierence from length of 
?parental? education data, with respondents? 
experiencing far greater access to education 
throughout their childhood and increased rates 
of attendance at secondary school, albeit often 
on an irregular basis. It may be posited that the 
increased tendency towards sedentarism and 
a transition to residence in housing is reected 
in the ndings of Table 20, particularly for 
respondents in younger age groups.
 Perhaps the most striking element of Table 21 
is the nding that 20 interviewees (23%) have 
achieved formal qualications (e.g. GCSEs/A 
Levels/ Degrees) a striking increase when 
compared with their parents? educational 
achievements.
 Nine interviewees (10%) of the G/IT sample 
had received no formal education. Somewhat 
surprisingly this educational exclusion was 
also found amongst the youngest age band 
(aged under 21) where three interviewees had 
not attended school, but was most evident 
amongst the over forties who had grown up 
experiencing a more ?traditional? way of life 
which has largely passed away. Indeed four (5%) 
of the interviewees who were over seventy one 
years of age had only minimal schooling to the 
extent that TEIP categorised them as having no 
formal education. This oldest age-band included 
three interviewees who had attended school 
for exceptionally short periods, with the longest 
(total) amount of school experienced of any of 
these participants being four months of formal 
education. Eight interviewees (9%) indicated 
they had gone to school for some time period 
but had not provided more precise information 
on the extent of their educational engagement.
 Of the remainder of the sample who were 
able to provide more precise information, six 
interviewees (7%) had only attended primary 
school and 17 interviewees (20%) had received 
both primary and secondary education, 
* Table 20 illustrates responses received from 76 out of the 86 G/IT interviewees who answered the 
question
 Tables 20 ? Gypsy and Irish Traveller respondents: Parents? Educational Level
 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40
 Secondary Irregular 
Primary Irregular
 Primary Regular
 Secondary Regular
 School Unspecied Duration/ Type
 No Formal Education
 36
 37
 21
 23
 7
 6
 6
 5
 5
 3
 1
 2
 FathersMothers
 Education - Parents of Interviewee
Chapter Nine - Education and Training 116
 attending their educational establishments on a 
regular basis. A further 46 respondents equating 
to 53% of the sample had attended education 
(both primary and secondary) on an irregular 
basis.
 Gypsy and Traveller customs and practices 
continue to discourage participation in school
 Amongst the younger interviewees (below 
the age of 40) a number of factors were 
identied which discouraged full educational 
participation. These issues were similar to those 
outlined by the older generation, indicating the 
strength of cultural practices and outlooks that 
support the traditional Traveller Economy. In 
particular, respondents noted a strong cultural 
preference for boys to follow their fathers into 
work and learn skilled manual occupations and 
for girls to participate in domestic roles. These 
are trends that have been recorded elsewhere 
as limiting educational engagement (see further 
Wilkin et al 2009; GTANAs analysed within 
Appendix B; Cemlyn et. al. 2009; Greeenelds, 
2008; Bhopal & Myers, 2008; Levinson & 
Sparkes,2003 ).
 Table 22: Gypsy and Irish Traveller interviewee?s highest academic qualications
 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70
 A Level
 BA/ Degree
 GCSE/ O Level
 No Academic Qualications 66
 10
 8
 2
 Academic Qualications
 Table 21: Access to Education by duration and regularity of attendance by Gypsy and Irish 
0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35
 Primary Regular
 Education Unspecied
 No Formal Education
 Primary Irregular
 Secondary Regular
 Secondary Irregular 31
 17
 15
 9
 8
 6
 Primary and Secondary Education (Interviewees)
Chapter Nine - Education and Training 117
 ?I loved school; I was top of the class all the 
way through [but] I left high school because we 
were moving and my Dad decided it was time I 
started working with him, he wanted to give me a 
practical trade? (G M 31-40).
 ?I went all the way through primary school and 
that was it. I took exams to go to grammar school 
and passed it and was due to go to the grammar 
school but my mum was pregnant at that time 
and the baby was very small and was seriously ill 
and my mum was in and out hospital so I had to 
stay at home look after the baby and I didn?t have 
no choice? (G F 21-30).
 In contrast to these quotations from 
respondents who would have happily 
remained in education for longer, a number of 
participants (of all generations), had voluntarily 
limited participation in education, preferring, 
once their short term objectives of achieving 
basic reading and writing skills were achieved, 
to move into the Traveller economy and more 
?culturally accepted; roles:
 ?I enjoyed school I was quite good in some subjects 
in school. I learned to read and write that is the 
main thing and I wasn?t too bad in maths. I got 
what I wanted out of it. I wasn?t planning to go 
on to college or doing any fascinating things in 
school. I just wanted to learn how to read and 
write and that was that? (IT M 21-30).
 It has been well documented that high levels 
of racist bullying and experiences of education 
related discrimination operate as a barrier to 
remaining in education for members of Gypsy 
and Traveller communities (Cemlyn, et. al., 
2009; Clark & Greenelds, 2006). Parents in 
some studies (e.g. Richardson, et. al., 2007) have 
reported that fear of their children being bullied 
or knowledge of incidents where relatives or 
other community members? children have 
been the victims of violent racist incidents have 
proved a catalyst for removing their children 
from education.
 Racist bullying acts as a barrier to participation 
in school with parents often removing children 
from schools when this occurs
 In response to a broad question about 
negative and positive experiences of school, 
47 interviewees in the G/IT sample (55 percent 
of this sub-sample) experienced bullying and 
discrimination during their time in education. 
Such bullying ranged from ?name calling? 
(e.g ?Pikey?; ?Dirty Gypsy?) to intensely violent 
Table 23 ? Gypsy and Irish traveller?s respondents? experiences of school-based bullying/
 discrimination
 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35
 Not Applicable
 D/B Primary and Secondary
 D/B in Secondary
 No D/B
 D/B Primary
 D/B Unspecied
 Unassigned 32
 29
 10
 6
 5
 3
 1
 D/B = Discrimination and Bullying
 Discrimination-Bullying in Primary and Secondary School
Chapter Nine - Education and Training 118
 enacted bullying and racism and actual physical 
segregation from other children. This gure is 
relatively low when compared with ndings 
from a number of GTANAs which regularly 
report that in excess of 80% of Gypsies and 
Travellers refer to having experienced school-
 based bullying. This compares to almost one-
 third of Black and Asian adults who experienced 
racialised discrimination at school, college or 
university and is starkly contrasted with ndings 
which demonstrate only one percent of White 
people have experienced racist bullying (BBC, 
2002). The high incidence of racism in schools 
has been remarked in other studies (Wilkin et al, 
2009).
 References to racism and bullying as a negative 
feature of school featured strongly in interviews 
undertaken with every age band within the 
TEIP G/IT sample. Other negative experiences 
of education included dissatisfaction with the 
curriculum (which was perceived of as being 
irrelevant to many Gypsies and Travellers as it 
was not practically oriented enough), to not 
being with other Travellers (leaving respondents 
feeling vulnerable and unsupported). Four 
interviewees cited cultural dierences from 
other pupils which were so great as to lead to 
a sense of alienation within the educational 
system.
 ?Secondary school that wasn?t good at all. I didn?t 
get on with them at all. It?s very hard because 
sometimes they just asked ?What you are going 
to be when you grow up?? and I would go ?I?m 
going to go out travelling, meet new Travellers.? 
and they?d ask ?Do you want to be a doctor?? [and 
I would say] ?For what like?? It?s hard for Travellers 
in school because a lot of the non-Travellers they 
want a big future and a big career? (IT F 21-30).
 [respondent who left school at 14] ?? every 14 
year old doesn?t want to go to school but I had 
people, young children coming up and talking 
about drugs and things like that, it wasn?t 
something I was brought up in to. Despite what 
my mum and dad said because they didn?t want 
me to leave I left at my own choice because that 
just wasn?t something that I wanted to do? 
(G F below the age of 21).
 Bullying and racism occurred frequently in the 
school experiences of interviewees of all ages. 
In common with the narratives recounted by 
older interviewees, younger TEIP participants 
reported that bullying could manifest itself in 
acts of violence or extreme intimidation. Such 
incidents understandably had a profound eect 
on a number of the interviewees:
 ?Secondary wasn?t positive at all. I didn?t have 
any problems with my friends but the majority 
of the school kids wouldn?t accept me as what I 
was. They wouldn?t accept my race they wouldn?t 
accept anything about the culture or anything. 
Very close friends were ne with it but quite a few 
of the teachers didn?t accept it which I found really 
hard. I didn?t make a big thing about it I was just 
trying to do my education but you could actually 
tell who had a problem with it. My thing was just 
trying to stay away from certain teachers so I 
would be trying to be placed in dierent classes 
and to do dierent things. One of my sports? 
teachers was particularly racist.... I got really, really 
badly bullied in secondary school because of my 
race. My parents actually know the full extent of 
it - so as soon as they realised the full extent I was 
pulled out when I was 14?. (G M 21-30).
 Responses to Racism
 Experiences of racism leads to avoidance 
strategies and conict
 Typically, interviewees responded to racism 
within school settings by utilising avoidance 
strategies, e.g. failing to attend school or 
by responding to physical challenges and 
intimidation with direct physical (violent) 
responses. For some participants (of both 
genders), acting in a submissive manner
 to racism or abuse would be to go against 
Gypsy and Traveller cultural practices and 
outlooks which discouraged passively 
submitting to bullying and instead emphasised 
the importance of upholding individual and 
community dignity through ghting back 
(Levinson, 2000). In other cases participants 
reported that other family members would 
come to the school to confront bullies. 
Understandably, although regrettably, physical 
responses to racist bullying would often lead 
to an escalation in conict and the imposition 
of sanctions from the school. It is therefore 
understandable that the combination of 
widespread racism against Gypsies and 
Travellers and a cultural response which 
emphasises a determined (physical) response 
has led to a grossly inated rate of Gyps/
 Traveller pupils experiencing exclusion from 
school (Bhopal & Myers, 2008; Levinson, 2009).
Chapter Nine - Education and Training 119
 ?You?ve got to retaliate because if you don?t do 
anything people just think they can walk over 
you. I used to get into loads of ghts when I was in 
school. I retaliate more verbally now? 
(G F under 21).
 Positive Experiences in School
 Some Gypsies and Travellers prefer being 
educated in ?segregated? groups with fellow 
community members where a supportive 
?critical mass? is attained
 Somewhat alarmingly only a quarter of G/
 IT interviewees felt that their time in school 
had included positive experiences. Of these 
respondents a third (7 interviewees) identied 
that being with other Gypsies and Travellers 
was the most positive element and that being 
with other Traveller pupils in school increased 
their condence and also their sense of security, 
a nding that has been evidenced elsewhere 
(Knipe et al 2005; Greenelds, 2008).
 ?I did go to school when we were settling in a 
house over here. I?ve done all primary school but 
the main reason why I went to primary school 
was because there were 20 to 25 Traveller children 
in the school and we were all brothers, sisters, 
cousins and the school was good for Travellers. 
When I left there we moved out o this area and 
we moved into a dierent area and I only did 3 
days in that school because there were no other 
Travellers there, we were the only Travellers there. 
At secondary school I did one term. Every day 
after the school my brothers would pick me up 
whatever, there were gang ghts and big gangs 
outside the school. I was taken out of there and I 
was put into a learning support scheme with other 
Travellers half a day every day. It was easier for us 
as well because it was only in the morning time in 
the school and then I went to college when I was 
16? (IT F 21-30).
 Several interviewees indicated that certain 
schools with more experience of dealing 
with Gypsies and Travellers were more able 
to provide secure and supportive learning 
environments (see further Derrington & Kendall, 
2004; Wilkin et. al., 2009). In contrast, schools 
could also be a focus for community tensions 
(for example when unauthorised planning 
developments took place in an area), however, 
some schools were able to rapidly reverse such 
community discord and gain the trust and 
support of Traveller parents. One Headteacher 
as well as robustly discouraging a petition 
some parents had organised against admitting 
Traveller children to the school wrote a letter of 
support for a planning hearing:
 ?The headmaster told us that he believed every 
child mattered and ours mattered exactly the 
same as the next one. He wrote a lovely letter 
for us to go to court with and then we found out 
about the petition and how all the other mothers 
and fathers backed out of it after the rst week of 
meeting our children. Our headmaster he went to 
the Parish Council meeting and he told the Parish 
Council if he could get 150 other children just like 
ours he would take them all into school tomorrow 
morning. The school has been an awful lot of help? 
(ST F 31-40).
 Impact on Work
 A lack of formal education can mean having to 
make limited employment choices: between 
working in the Traveller Economy and unskilled 
waged work.
 Low participation rates and levels of 
achievement in formal education and a 
continued emphasis on short term goals, such 
as basic literacy coupled with an emphasis 
on participation in in-family training and 
the Traveller Economy are signicant factors 
in explaining why a large proportion of 
interviewees were engaged in the traditional 
Traveller Economy or undertaking low waged 
unskilled labour (Chapters 4 and 5). However, 
the low educational achievement of Gypsies 
and Travellers in school has the result of making 
it harder (even for those working in the Traveller 
Economy) to develop and maintain their own 
businesses or to progress to better rewarded 
and skilled positions if working in the waged 
sector, no doubt contributing to the cycle of 
economic exclusion experienced by many 
community members.
 Despite strong cultural inuences which 
support ?conservative? adaptive behaviours 
(Acton, 1994), attitudes towards engagement 
in formal education were also altering amongst 
some interviewees, leading to changing 
employment patterns. Ten interviewees 
in the G/IT sample (12%) had remained in 
school and had gained GCSEs albeit only two 
participants had achieved the ?gold standard? of 
5+ A*-C grades. Overwhelmingly however, the 
interviewees who had gained qualications did 
Chapter Nine - Education and Training 120
 so by returning to education after experiencing 
a gap between school and further education. 
In total 66 interviewees (76%) of the sample 
had no academic qualications in contrast to 
the nine percent of the ?mainstream? population 
without qualications (ONS, 2009). Even when 
contrasting the educational attainment of the 
sample to other especially excluded minorities 
we see gross disproportionality in terms of 
educational attainment. Whilst approximately 
50% of the Bangladeshi community hold 
no qualications (White, 2002), it has to be 
considered that the TEIP sample are those 
members of the G/IT communities who are 
more economically included, implying that 
illiteracy and lack of formal qualications may 
be higher amongst the Gypsy and Traveller 
population as a whole. The TEIP survey found 
amongst the older age range interviewed a 
lack of any formal qualications. This was most 
evident in the forty plus age band, a nding 
common to the mainstream population where 
(for comparison) 30% of the whole population 
of all ages (Census, 2001) hold no qualications, 
predominantly concentrated in older age 
groups so that 15-20% of working age adults in 
their 50s have no qualications; 11% in their 40s 
and 8% of younger age groups (see further ?The 
Poverty Site? website).
 Amongst TEIP respondents those who had 
achieved the highest levels of academic success 
were generally those of mixed heritage who 
had grown up (and still resided) in housing (see 
further below).
 Curricular Reform
 Participants report a preference for vocational 
and experiential learning
 Amongst the TEIP interviewees there was clear 
evidence of support for curricular reform so 
that the curriculum oered to Gypsies and 
Travellers would better reect the cultural 
aspirations of their communities. It was felt 
that young people would be more inclined to 
engage with education if learning experiences 
and interactive learning opportunities were 
delivered in a supportive environment. This 
reects the ndings of other studies which have 
also found a strong preference for vocational 
and experiental learning amongst Gypsies and 
Travellers (Lloyd and McCluskey, 2008; Wilkin et. 
al., 2009; Greenelds, 2008):
 ?I think work experience to get youngsters to be 
doing work as well as just reading and writing 
would be good. I think that would benet people 
to see how to work and learn a trade. I think that 
would be a benet for everybody in the wider 
community to be able to learn skills quite early 
and being able to achieve directly what they want 
to do instead of being in a setting where you are 
almost pushed into a box to be able to do the type 
of work they think you are t for? (G M 21-30).
 ?I think training for things would be good 
because they need to get qualications nowadays 
pretty much for everything they ask about your 
qualications. Some young boys and girls when 
they are starting out in school they don?t want 
to be there because it is too structured for them 
because they?re used to being outside a lot and 
if you put them in a room it?s a problem. I think 
it should be more practical than just a little 
bit of paper and more practical. I think more 
people would go to college to get qualications. I 
understand that we have got to do the paperwork 
as well but the way I think is well if I can do it with 
my hands that should bring me half way there but 
there is more paperwork than practical work? (G F 
21-30).
 Critics of the national curriculum have argued 
that it has reduced the curricular exibility 
of schools and reduced teachers? capacity to 
introduce practical and experimental learning, 
instead having to focus on exam results. 
However, curricular reform announced by the 
DCSF in 2007 should oer the opportunity to 
scale back the national curriculum and free 
up to a quarter of teaching time to oer more 
innovative learning experiences that are less 
prescriptive (Hansard, col 1321, 10th July, 
2007; see also TES, 13th July 2007 [editorial]). 
Such reform measures may provide scope for 
learning experiences more in tune with Gypsy 
and Traveller cultural preferences and we would 
recommend are adopted where a relatively 
large cohort of Gypsy and Traveller pupils are 
attending a school. Extended work experience 
allows pupils above 14 to gain practical work 
experience and combine this with school and 
is another educational path that may assist in 
maintaining educational participation for Gypsy 
and Traveller pupils. One interviewee who had 
been bullied and withdrawn from school had 
experience of such exible work experience:
 ?I was supposed to be going into college but they 
couldn?t t me in so what I did was help local 
businesses by actually going around and learning 
Chapter Nine - Education and Training 121
 about dierent things through the business 
so I found that more rewarding to gain that 
experience? (G M 21-30).
 None of the interviewees below the age of 21 
had had the opportunity to undertake work 
experience which both acted as a barrier to 
experiential learning and meant that in many 
cases they were unaware of employment 
options which could be made available to them. 
This lack of engagement is due partly to some 
having left school prior to Year 10 when such 
opportunities arise, and because the application 
of the work experience policy is variable 
nationally. Traveller Education Services have 
also reported that it is dicult to match male 
Gypsies and Travellers with work experiences 
that they would enjoy. This is partly due to 
the fact that local authorities are hesitant to 
place pupils in work environments where there 
may be an element of danger, thus ruling out 
activities such as construction and tree surgery 
that may be more appealing to Gypsy and 
Traveller boys than clerical and retail work (ITMB 
2008).
 In relation to post 16 learning/training the TEIP 
found that a number of interviewees supported 
the idea of a system of accreditation for prior 
informal learning and skills development:
 ?I think there should be more of a way to get the 
qualications for Travellers, because there?s so 
many Travellers out there who got the best
 skills in the world, but got nothing on paper. 
If they?ve got nothing on paper they struggle 
with insurance, they struggle with everything. I 
think if there was a way somebody could do an 
assessment on them to say let?s see you at work, 
let?s see what you can do, helping them with 
the health and safety aspect of it which is very 
important, and then see their skills, see what they 
can do and say right if that?s your quality of work 
we think you?re qualied enough to do this job and 
give them some certication so they can take it 
forward. Not many Travellers need help working 
but we need help making the work formal? (G M 
31-40).
 Educational Support Strategies
 Traveller Education Services provide important 
support
 Some references were made in the interviews 
to the value of specialist learning support and 
in-school interventions by Traveller Education 
Services (TES) although reference to this was 
not as common as may have been expected:
 ?Dierent schools varied some of them I enjoyed. 
When you got like the Gypsy Support Ocer there 
you found less racism because they used to stop 
it but in other schools there was a lot of bullying 
going on. It is just something what you have to 
deal with when you are in school? (G F under 21).
 There is some support for separate educational 
provision
 In contrast to the wider policy emphasis on 
?mainstreaming? of educational services, a 
number of interviewees expressed a preference 
for greater use of targeted support that was 
culturally specic to their community.
 ?I think it would be good if we had something 
which goes on the sites like a bus, like the 
mobile library and if you wanted to get into 
like journalism you could access, they would 
have laptops on there so you haven?t got to go 
anywhere? (G M 31-40).
 ?Work centres for learning how to do it for 
Travellers and not other kinds of people so there 
wouldn?t be much racist stu going on because 
Travellers would not go if there was? (IT M 21-30).
 In Ireland Traveller-focused work training 
centres have been established and there have 
been calls for such centres to be set up in the 
UK (Bowers, 2004), but the debates have been 
intense as to whether this is institutionalising 
segregation and educational disadvantage or 
providing a cultural specic remedy to exclusion 
(Save the Children, 2001). The responses from 
the interviewees below capture both the 
positives and negatives of such a ?separatist? 
strategy, whilst illustrating the stigmatisation 
that can be caused by well-meant educational 
separation:
 ?..in Wales they had a unit for Traveller kids. It is 
like a little school for Traveller kids and they are all 
going there and they are becoming lawyers and 
stu like that so it does help. However, it is also bad 
in a way because they are coming away from the 
non-Travellers which they obviously need to mix 
with otherwise the racism is never going to stop? 
(G F under 21).
 ?I was 14 when I left school. I went to primary 
school and I really enjoyed it. It was lovely then 
Chapter Nine - Education and Training 122
 I went to secondary school which was good [as 
an educational establishment] but it wasn?t 
good because there was a lot of racism because 
of who we were, we ended up going to another 
school. It was only for Travellers, it was like we 
were educated in a way that wasn?t education. We 
had our own little school in a shed and the other 
children were allowed to play outside at proper 
playtime hours and we wouldn?t be allowed to 
mix with them. In a way it didn?t really bother 
us but now as you are older you realise it was a 
big thing because it?s like we were excluded, we 
weren?t allowed to mix with them because we 
were Travellers. Don?t get me wrong the man that 
used to educate us, he was a lovely man he did 
everything for us, the best way he could. He wasn?t 
from our community. He was a settled man? (IT M 
31-40).
 Connexions services only oer limited support 
which is appropriate for GRT
 Three of the interviewees in the under-21 
age band had received Connexions support. 
The Connexions service provides access to 
advisors to support young people with their 
career options as well as identifying relevant 
curriculum choices and educational options 
which can help students to achieve their desired 
work ambitions (see further Chapter 11).
 ?I was looking for a job, I wasn?t really getting 
anywhere because obviously they?re going to
 pick the GSCE people over us so I was talking to 
one of the Connexions? advisers and they said 
about a training program that helps you get into 
employment. So I started that doing my NVQ in 
Business Administration and I got a placement 
here and it just pretty much went on from there 
then? (G F under 21).
 Only two interviewees in the older age bands 
reported receiving careers guidance, although 
this may be reective in part of early school 
leaving ages minimizing their contact with the 
service. Given the high numbers of GRT pupils 
not attending secondary school or leaving 
education early, opportunities for contact with 
careers advice are limited. Some indications 
exist that low take-up may also be a reection 
of the variability of this service and perceived 
irrelevance for Gypsies and Travellers, as in 
some areas there is little targeted work with this 
minority and no in-service training to raise sta 
awareness of the community?s needs. Given that 
most Gypsy and Traveller parents have limited 
experience of further education or the world 
of work beyond the Traveller Economy, such 
careers guidance may have a key role in raising 
the economic inclusion of this community if it 
is possible to develop appropriate engagement 
strategies.
 College literacy courses are eective in 
enhancing economic inclusion
 A number of the interviewees had elected to 
opt for home tutoring, also known as ?Elective 
Home Education? (EHE), rather than send their 
children to school. Whilst this strategy does 
minimize the possibilities of bullying and assists 
in retaining cultural continuity (see further 
Chapter 1) it has the signicant disadvantage of 
ensuring educational separation and reducing 
opportunities for inter-cultural contact.
 It has been estimated that between 2000 and 
2004 that there was a 40 percent increase in 
EHE amongst Gypsies and Travellers (Ivatts, 
2006). However, it has been argued that 
without adequate educational support for 
young people who are educated at home, and 
with the educational challenges experienced 
by many parents who are unable to assist 
with formal educational curriculum support, 
Home Education may essentially focus around 
engagement with the Traveller economy rather 
than wider educational issues. The issue of a 
cultural preference for educational segregation 
is complex and problematic with ramications 
for community engagement and good relations 
between distinct ethnic groups. It is interesting 
to note that a number of adults interviewed 
by TEIP who wished to improve their literacy 
skills preferred to undertake lessons with a 
private tutor rather than engage with other 
learners in a college basedliteracy course. Such 
a reluctance to attend college based courses 
appeared to stem from concerns about learning 
alongside members of the wider community 
who may behave in a racist manner or mock the 
Gypsy/Traveller learner?s diculties (see further 
Greenelds, 2008). However, many interviewees 
who did attend college for the purposes of 
enhancing their literacy found it to be a positive 
experience.
Chapter Nine - Education and Training 123
 There was a relatively high uptake of further 
education in the TEIP sample
 As illustrated by Table 23 (above) approximately 
one third of interviewees in the G/IT sample had 
undertaken some form of further/vocational 
education or training whilst a further 11 
interviewees (13%) had attended University. A 
further 45% of the sample (39 interviewees) had 
received no additional education or training 
after they had left school.
 The process of disengagement from education 
and perhaps limited contact with Connexions 
and careers services meant that only a low 
number of interviewees (6 people) had 
transferred to further education directly from 
school whilst all the others had had a gap in 
education. The most popular courses for G/
 ITs were practically oriented NVQs undertaken 
by 7 interviewees (8%) of the sample. All 
except one of the interviewee?s who took this 
course were below the age of thirty. A further 
6 interviewees/(7%) had taken specialist 
advanced vocational courses such as Higher 
National Diplomas(HND)/BTech or City and 
Guilds qualications. 3 other interviewees were 
(at the time of interview) undertaking a 
university module in community development. 
Other participants had attended short term 
vocational courses, whilst seven respondents 
had undertaken literacy and numeracy classes.
 Where respondents had moved into further 
education or training this transition had been 
facilitated by Traveller Education Services, 
employers or benets agencies (e.g. through 
the New Deal) which recognised that the 
interviewee?s lack of skills was a serious 
impediment to entering into or developing in 
their work.
 A number of respondents reported that their 
employers had supported and encouraged 
them to return to education and thus increase 
their skills. Active skills development also took 
place in some interviewees? workplaces. The 
following respondent was encouraged by a 
community group to take up a range of courses:
 ?I left school when I was 14 ... I started work at 16 
and I?ve been with them [community group] for 
nearly 2.5 years. I?ve done a lot of training. I?m a 
qualied rst aider, First Aid at Work, Emergency 
First Aid. I?ve done things on Participation and 
Budgets and at the beginning of the year I 
nished an NVQ in Business and Admin and I won 
Returning to Education
 Table 24 ? Gypsy and Irish Traveller participants? post-school education and training
 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40
 Unspecied
 On Job Training
 Skills Training
 Profession Training
 Further Education
 Higher/ University
 Vocational
 No Education and Training 39
 20
 11
 10
 2
 2
 1
 1
 Education and Training After School
Chapter Nine - Education and Training 124
 Apprentice of the Year for that and I?ve just started 
out. I?m doing an NVQ Level 2 in Management and 
Team Leading?. I will do a lot more training in the 
future because at the end of the day it is just one 
of those things, the training never stops. It always 
looks good on the CV, it just helps you in whatever 
you are doing the more training you do? 
(G F under 21).
 Several interviewees working in community 
groups (either as waged employees or 
volunteers) made positive reference to the 
specialist course ?Training the Trainers? which 
is delivered by G/IT community members 
and project managed by the Derbyshire 
Gypsy Liaison Group. Apart from this very 
specialist course, most of those involved in 
community groups had improved their skills 
by on-job training whilst working within their 
organisations. The TEIP suggests that there 
may be scope for a specically designed 
course to assist the growing number of 
Gypsy and Traveller sta working in NGOs 
or targeted statutory services to develop 
skills in governance, fund raising, outreach 
and advocacy enabling them to bridge the 
skills gaps and eventually progress to the 
management of projects.
 Table 25 ? Vocational Skills and Qualications undertaken 
by Gypsy and Irish Traveller participants
 Experiences of Further Education
 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80%
 Key Skills
 GNVQ
 City and Guilds
 HND
 V S's and Q's
 NVQ
 No V Q's and Q's 68.60%
 8.14%
 10.47%
 3.49%
 3.49%
 1.16%
 1.16%
 Vocational Skills and Qualications
Chapter Nine - Education and Training 125
 Colleges can provide a more secure learning 
environment than schools
 Despite some reluctance by a number of 
interviewees to initially enter further education 
establishments, once they had begun to attend, 
they expressed positive comments about the 
more secure and mature learning environment 
that college oered when compared to school. 
They also expressed satisfaction with the wide 
range of courses that were available (including 
literacy and vocational training options):
 ?My workplace helped me, they pay for it [college 
course] and they give me time o work to go to 
college. People there are mixed, you get younger 
and older people as well. I have friends from there 
as well. I thought at the beginning ?I?m the only 
Traveller I?m dierent? but its better if you just go 
and face it to see what they say. They might not be 
all bad people, it is just the way how you speak to 
them really. If you speak to them nicely they speak 
to you nicely? (G F 21-30).
 Attending college could still present major 
challenges for interviewees and some were 
not able to progress with or complete further 
education courses because they could not 
aord the tuition fees or had to halt their 
studies. Furthermore, home environments 
were not always conducive places to carry out 
the required course work as a result of cultural 
expectations or overcrowding:
 ?The college was quite hard because I had two 
lives. All the work I needed to do I had to do at the 
college because I was the eldest amongst the girls 
so when I was at home I had to look after everyone 
else and help mum do things like cleaning up. I 
had a dicult time at college people thought I was 
a bit of a workaholic because I had to nish all the 
college work when I was there because I couldn?t 
really do anything at home because my brothers 
were a nightmare? (G F 41-50).
 In common with concerns raised about the 
relevance of the school curriculum some 
interviewees expressed their doubts about 
whether further education courses were 
practical enough for their needs, although these 
worries were signicantly less marked than 
in relation to the school curriculum. Despite 
enthusiastic attendance to gain or enhance 
practical skills some of the interviewees had 
failed to understand the importance of gaining 
qualications and certicates to evidence their 
knowledge and had thus failed to work to 
obtain high level exam results or had left prior 
to the exam:
 ?I liked going to the college I liked being in the 
college in general it was alright. I thought I would 
be making owers more than I did. It was quite 
dicult with the writing I didn?t really do well in 
writing and they made you do a lot of portfolios 
and stu. I can read and write but if they tell you 
to make a bouquet I could make it but when I had 
to write it down that was a problem for me? (G F 
under 21).
 A number of Traveller Education Services have 
expressed concern about the Educational 
Maintenance Grant which provided payments 
for low income students to attend college 
and fear that abolishing the grant could have 
an adverse impact on Gypsy and Traveller 
participation in further education.
 Higher Education
 Gypsies and Travellers have limited participation 
in higher education
 Eight interviewees in the G/IT sample (9%) had 
obtained higher education degrees/diplomas. 
Six of these respondents were Gypsies and the 
remaining two were Irish Travellers of mixed 
heritage. Only two of these highly qualied 
interviewees were male. In the wider Gypsy 
Roma Traveller sample, one Roma had received 
a higher education (out of a sub-sample of four 
Roma) although in sharp contrast three out of 
ve New Travellers (all female) had degrees, with 
two of these respondents having proceeded 
into higher education at the age of 18. All but 
four recipients of higher education (whole 
sample of G/IT, Roma and New Travellers) had 
re-entered education and attended university as 
mature students.
 Higher education can present cultural 
challenges for many Gypsies and Travellers
 Entry into higher education could present a 
series of cultural challenges for Gypsies and 
Travellers, primarily because of the more 
formalised and abstract nature of learning 
experiences. For some  interviewees the fact 
they were the rst, not just in their family but 
also in their extended kin network, to enter 
university introduced an element of strangeness 
to the experience:
Chapter Nine - Education and Training 126
 ?I?ve done the NVQ 2 in Childcare in college. I 
went to university and we?ve done Community 
Development but that was very weird at times. 
We used to go in and everyone that was there has 
done college and done so many years in university 
and we got in there!. We didn?t have all these high 
grades, I didn?t do my GCSEs. We just went in there 
but it was hard in there? (IT F 21-30).
 Going to university could create family tensions 
but also raised issues about the degree of 
independence that might be aorded to young 
women. Concerns about whether higher 
education might conict with traditional gender 
roles and expectations and lead to changes and 
departure from traditional forms of behavior 
could be a cause of heightened conict:
 ?My dad had a lot of opposition from the family 
[to daughters going to university] so it was very 
dicult for him to justify why he allowed us to 
go away from home. We all had to take a deep 
breath when he allowed my middle sister to go to 
university but really how it worked was he used 
to collect her on a Friday evening and go down 
from Darlington four hours in a van picked her up 
on Friday evening and brought her back over the 
weekend and went back on Sunday night and that 
happened all the way through for 3 years of the 
degree. So in a way it was quite managed - it was 
like a careful eye [was kept] on all of us. I think my 
younger sister did International Finance, Spanish 
and Accounting. My younger sister she went to 
university in Wales and it was very dicult for my 
dad because she didn?t come home every weekend 
but even he learnt through me and my sister that 
just because we were educated it didn?t mean 
that we weren?t going to follow the rules. We did 
follow the rules we didn?t have any boyfriends, we 
didn?t do anything that would have brought any 
dishonour on the family and we still follow the 
rules.?. Travellers? concerns about the children 
being educated by the system doesn?t necessarily 
mean that you are going to leave the culture this is 
what they are always frightened about, you know 
if you get educated.? (G F 41-50).
 Further and higher education can be life 
changing for Gypsies and Travellers
 Interviewees who had entered into further and 
higher education reported how the experience 
could be profoundly life changing; leading the 
way to new horizons and aspirations and acting 
as a ?stepping stone? to greater educational 
participation and achievement:
 ?I had my children young in my twenties. With 
the support of my husband I went and did basic 
O levels. I did English, Psychology and Sociology. I 
just fancied doing it I didn?t know where it would 
end, I fancied doing them even though I hadn?t 
got any formal education I don?t know where it 
came from but I?ve always had very good word 
power, I?ve always had very good communication 
skills. I went into it, I did adult education and I 
was lucky because when I went into it there were 
very few adults attending, there was probably 10 
and we ended up probably 3 so it went to kind of 
one-to-one tutoring. It introduced you to books 
and writing and language. It just fascinated me, 
intrigued me and I said ?Whoa I like this?. I did those 
3 exams and I came out with two Bs and a C? 
(G F 51-60).
 This particular interviewee, (married to a non-
 Gypsy/Traveller) who had only received limited 
formal schooling, subsequently undertook a 
university course and secured a professional 
position.
 The Education and Skills Act (2008) which will 
raise the duration of compulsory education 
until eighteen is likely to have implications for 
Gypsy and Traveller engagement with formal 
education. Whilst evidence from the TEIP 
suggests there may be great interest in post 
16 education if it is perceived of as relevant, 
some education providers we interviewed were 
hesitant about how realistic it was to compel 
participation for a group which in many cases 
had dropped out of education prior to the 
current school leaving age of sixteen and who 
were frequently disengaged from academic 
processes. It was felt by education professionals 
that well resourced and targeted educational 
initiatives would be needed to make any inroads 
to resistance to remaining in formal education.
 Evidence of progressive attitudes towards 
higher education amongst some Gypsies and 
Travellers
 In addition to the TEIP ndings other studies 
have noted some evidence of increasingly 
progressive attitudes towards higher education, 
coupled with a growing perception that such 
participation does not pose a cultural threat. 
Whilst this shift in perception is to be greatly 
welcomed, for the moment however, such views 
may still be those of a minority of Gypsy and 
Traveller adults (Derrington, 2006; Levinson and 
Sparkes, 2006)
 The following interviewee who had worked 
within the Traveller Economy whilst a 
Chapter Nine - Education and Training 127
 young man, became a mature student and 
subsequently gained a number of post graduate 
qualications which led to his becoming an 
academic. He revealed the family disputes 
and struggle to overcome poor educational 
attainment that for some interviewees must 
take place before they can enter into higher 
education:
 ?I suppose for me the positive and negative 
was my mum and dad had dierent ideas on 
education. My dad was up for me to go to work 
with him labouring but my mum wanted me to 
go to school. I don?t know where it came from 
but I did do well at school and learnt to read 
and write easily. There was a tug of war about 
where I would end up. My mother managed to 
keep me in until I was 16 but I missed a lot in the 
last 2 years. I scraped a couple of O? levels and 
that was a miracle. I was certainly the rst on my 
father?s side to nish school. I remember a lot of 
arguments between my mum and dad on this, my 
dad held traditional views about working in the 
family business and did not see the value of paper 
qualications and never needed to as some of the 
family did well out of scrap and construction. He 
wanted me to make money like he did? 
(G M 41-50).
 In contrast, and perhaps reective of the 
attitudes of the relatively ?elite? group of 
interviewees who are economically successful, 
approximately 10 percent of G/IT respondents 
stated that they had children who were 
currently in university, had attended higher 
educational establishments or who were 
preparing to go; suggesting that there could 
be a signicant increase in the number of 
university graduates within the community in 
the near future.
 This development of a critical mass of well-
 educated Gypsies and Travellers may have 
important implications for perceptions of the 
value of education if these graduates retain 
close links to their communities and develop 
into role models and advocates who challenge 
negative stereotypes in ?home? and external 
settings.
 In Ireland the potential oered by the 
development of a graduate pool has been 
recognised and in order to try and encourage 
such students to retain links with their 
community, instead of moving away into 
?mainstream? occupations and communities 
and with the intent of promoting entry into 
higher education, a network has been formed 
?Supporting Travellers in
 ?I?d like to see some fellow students from the Gypsy 
and Traveller community come together but I also 
think that if you put them into a room together 
they would be the most powerful group and a role 
model? (G M 21-30).
Chapter Nine - Education and Training 128
 There is growing use of the internet amongst 
Gypsies and Travellers
 53 interviewees in the Gypsy and Irish 
Traveller sample/(61%) stated that they had 
access to the internet, 34 interviewees/(40%) 
at home and work with a smaller number 
indicating that they had internet access at 
home (11 interviewees/13%) or work only 
(7 interviewees/8%). A small number of 
respondents noted that they accessed the 
internet at friend?s homes, in libraries or at 
projects where they undertook voluntary work. 
In contrast, 75% of Roma had access to the 
internet at both home and work and 80% of 
New Traveller interviewees could access the 
internet either at home or work.
 Amongst the Gypsy and Irish Traveller sample, 
internet access was most common amongst the 
under 40s. 12 interviewees (14% of the sample) 
said they had access to the internet but needed 
family members to operate it for them:
 ?Useless! [level of personal skill at internet use]. I 
don?t use it in the building work, but for the trading 
business and I have a man that comes to do that, 
and my daughter writes on the Facebook and 
all that, she makes me bribe her and holds me to 
ransom if I need to communicate with anybody? 
(G M 41-50).
 Once again, low levels of IT skills (even where 
the internet was available at home) were most 
common in the older (over 40) age bands. Of 
the 27% of the Gypsy and Irish Traveller sample 
(23 respondents) who explicitly stated that 
they did not have any internet access only 8 
interviewees were under 40 with the rest being 
in older age-bands.
 Whilst the internet was increasingly being used 
as a work tool by individuals working in the 
community sector or mainstream services there 
was also limited (but growing) engagement 
with IT by those working in the Traveller 
Economy. Table 27 below demonstrates the 
main purposes for which G/IT respondents use 
IT.
 For younger people IT was also used as a social 
tool via links such as Facebook which was 
playing a key role in maintaining and enhancing 
bonding capital and social networks amongst 
younger Gypsies and Travellers:
 ?I practically live on my email. I have a couple of 
websites built. We get an average of between 50 
and 150 emails a day, for work. The internet is 
paramount. On the side I use Ebay a lot. Believe 
it or not we use Facebook for work; Facebook?s 
probably one of the best tools we?ve ever used 
for work. A lot of people use it to gossip and talk 
E-Inclusion
 Table 26 ? Gypsy and Irish Travellers with access to the Internet
 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40
 Friends
 Work
 Non-response
 Home
 None
 Home and Work 34
 23
 11
 10
 1
 7
 Internet Access
Chapter Nine - Education and Training 129
 about John and Jane and whoever they want 
to talk about. If you use it in the right context 
Facebook is probably the most powerful tool on 
the internet and we get a lot of work through it. 
You pick and choose who you talk to, you have 
certain people who are friends and they see what 
you?re doing and they see to a degree a little bit of 
your personal life and they see that you?re human 
and they see all the good things that are being 
done because you?ve got to put yourself on there in 
a good light and it works wonders? (G M 31-40).
 Policies by the Government to promote 
e-inclusion, such as providing free laptops for 
low income families with school aged children 
(Home Access) have the potential to have a 
profound impact on the lives of many Gypsy 
and Traveller families. Amongst many TES 
(supported by some charities working with 
Gypsies and Travellers) there is a growing trend 
to seek to engage with young people through 
the provision of e-learning and the provision 
and encouragement of use of lap-tops to access 
education whilst a family is travelling or where 
a family has opted for home education of 
children.
 The emphasis on e-inclusion and the 
development of top-down IT inclusion 
strategies are particularly important considering 
there is signicant and increasing evidence 
that the internet can play an important part in 
supporting disadvantaged groups to improve 
their literacy and numeracy skills and to learn 
about employment and training opportunities 
(Connecting Communities, Tackling Exclusion, 
2003).
 Table 27 Purposes of internet usage: Gypsy and Irish Traveller
 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40
 Social
 Work
 Unspecied
 None
 Social and Work 37
 25
 11
 7
 6
 Internet Usage
Chapter Nine - Education and Training 130
 Predicting the Future: Changing Attitudes 
towards Formal Education
 There is growing support for mainstream 
education within the TEIP sample?
 There was a growing perception amongst 
all interviewees that there would need to be 
greater engagement with formal education 
amongst Gypsies and Travellers if the 
communities are to thrive. Thirty one of the 
interviewees with children and adolescent 
ospring strongly supported the idea of their 
children remaining in the education system and 
gaining some form of academic qualications. 
Approximately one third of this group made 
reference to their hopes that their children 
would access higher education or that in fact 
these children were already participating in 
higher education. TEIP interviewees argued that 
community members having a greater level of 
education could open up more opportunities 
including success in work and condence.
 ?Other Travellers they don?t go to schools they 
do self-employment they go out and they are 
on scrap metal or trees but pretty soon you are 
not going to be able to do that. I want them to 
have the best education what they can. Because 
obviously it is coming up now, you need the 
education to get anywhere in life. I don?t want 
them to have to struggle trying to nd a job 
because obviously they [employers] look at the 
piece of paper and if the person never went to 
school they automatically pinpoint them as a bad 
person and unreliable? (G F under 21).
 ?...the ones that go to school seem to be brighter 
and they are not frightened to go into oces and 
they are not frightened to go to the bank and they 
are a bit more aware of what is going on. I think 
the children that suer that don?t go to school and 
are pulled out of school and sent to work with dad 
don?t always get that chance. I do think education 
is the answer to it all? (G F 51-60).
 Accordingly, despite the ?conservative? 
tendencies of some Gypsies and Travellers 
(see further Chapter 1) amongst the TEIP 
sample, there was signicant support for 
greater educational participation which was 
identied with the development of new 
economic activities. Such engagement was 
seen as enabling the take up of occupations 
not normally associated with Gypsies and 
Travellers (outside of the Traveller economy). For 
many, such a move to new elds of economic 
endeavour was not necessarily felt to be a 
negation of Gypsy and Traveller identity, but 
instead an opportunity for the creation of 
positive role models and community leaders in 
the future:
 ?For me a traditional Traveller route is to do what?s 
best for your family, that?s how we were brought 
up, that?s a traditional route, to make sure your 
family is sorted and they get what?s needed. If 
mainstream education is what?s needed then 
that?s what I want. Whatever I can give to make 
sure my kids get a better future; as an example my 
14 year old girl she is doing hair and beauty, but 
she is also doing triple science; so she?s keeping her 
options open on both sides. My boy is a computer 
man, he?s 9 years old and he spends half his life 
developing web-sites, he?s 9 years old and he can 
do Flash and Macro-media and all this stu I can?t 
even pronounce never mind do, he understands 
Java-script and everything, kid?s a little geek. But 
if that will make him a living and make him self-
 sucient then for me that?s a traditional Travellers 
route. There?s no such thing as a traditional 
Traveller?s job because you do what needs to be 
done? (G M 31-40).
 ?I want my children to be a doctor or a lawyer or 
something like that but at the same time say to 
people that ?I?m a Gypsy and I?ve achieved this, 
I might be a Gypsy or my mother is a Gypsy and 
I?ve lived the Gypsies? life, so I?m brainy enough to 
become a lawyer or a policeman?. I would love for 
my children to really, really achieve something. 
I think the Traveller life has come to a stage that 
they have to survive and you cannot knock on 
doors anymore and it?s going to get harder and 
harder? (G F 31-40).
 Conclusion
 ??but national statistics suggest there is 
still cause to be concerned about national 
educational participation rates.
 Despite this extremely encouraging evidence of 
growing positive attitudes towards participation 
in formal education; a word of caution needs 
to be issued. National statistics pertaining to 
school/educational participation for Gypsies 
and Travellers paints a dierent picture, 
suggesting greater retrenchment of Gypsy and 
Traveller educational exclusion and indicating 
that the TEIP sample is not fully representative 
of national trends. On the core issues of access, 
attendance and attainment the DCSF estimates 
Chapter Nine - Education and Training 131
 that the overall secondary enrolment rate of 
Gypsies and Travellers averaged just over 60% in 
a series of study areas and participation at Key 
Stage Four (GCSEs) was only 47% of children 
registered on school census data as being from 
Gypsy, Roma or Irish Traveller backgrounds. 
More alarmingly, the numbers of GRT children 
who were not enrolled in school were calculated 
to have increased from 10,000 children in 1996, 
to 12,000 in 2003 (DfES, 2003, 8). However, if this 
trend has continued in later years it may also 
be linked to the increase in ?home education? 
which, despite all of the relevant concerns 
(Ivatts, 2006) raised about a prevailing focus on 
the ?Traveller economy? within home education, 
may potentially enable children to be 
academically supported through IT and access 
to e-learning. In support of the ndings from 
the TEIP, some studies have noted emerging 
positive views towards education amongst 
Gypsies and Travellers although have noted that 
cautious approval may be tempered by negative 
experiences and fears of cultural erosion (Wilkin 
et al 2009). Thus, despite a growing recognition 
of the value of formal education, until other 
factors which discourage increased rates of 
attendance in school, (e.g the high levels of 
racism in schools identied within the TEIP 
survey) are addressed, engaging Gypsies and 
Travellers with mainstream education may still 
be a relatively slow and delicate process.
Chapter Ten
 Social Capital and Community Relations
Chapter Ten - Social Capital and Community Relations 133
 Chapter Ten
 Social Capital and Community Relations
 As outlined in chapter one the concept of social 
capital refers to the nature and composition 
of social networks and the extent and manner 
in which an individual or family can use these 
resources to link them to a community or area. 
In earlier chapters we have explored the ways 
in which access to networks and the use of 
both bonding (inter-community) and bridging 
(intra-community) capitals impacts on the 
economic inclusion of Gypsies and Travellers. 
In this chapter we turn to GRT relations with 
the wider community, and in particular, how 
use of bridging capital can assist in developing 
employment opportunities as well as expanding 
intercultural understanding. Critically, we 
also explore interviewees? perceptions of 
their relationships with members of other 
communities in work settings and examine 
how Gypsies and Travellers feel about their 
employment conditions and how they are 
treated in work bv their colleagues. In this way, 
we consider the importance of social capital/
 community engagement in determining 
general well-being, support and coping 
mechanisms for employees located outside of 
the ?Traveller economy? and their traditional 
networks of support.
 Social Capital, Gypsies and Travellers
 ?Social capital ?? refers to features of social 
organisation, such as trust, norms and networks 
that can improve the eciency of society by 
facilitating coordinated actions.?
 (Putnam, 664, 1995)
 Putnam provides a useful exploration of the 
two ?types? of social capital, dening ?bonding? 
capital as inward-looking and used to reinforce 
exclusive identities and homogeneous groups. 
Forms of capital/networks which are outward-
 looking and incorporate people from diverse 
backgrounds are those he denes as containing 
?bridging? elements (Putnam, 2000, 22-3).
 Both of these concepts are helpful to 
understanding the ways in which capitals 
are used by Gypsies and Travellers. The core 
essence of ?bonding? capital comprises the use 
of some or all of the following elements: trust; 
reciprocity/mutuality; common norms; intense, 
shared social networks; shared channels of 
information; shared commitment/belonging to 
a community/identity group.
 Coleman summarises the benets of bonding 
social capital thus:
 ?Social capital is dened by its function. It is 
not a single entity, like other forms of capital, 
social capital is productive, making possible 
the achievement of certain ends that would not 
be attainable in its absence. ? Social capital is 
embodied in the relations among persons. [a] 
group whose members manifest trustworthiness 
and place extensive trust in one another will be 
able to accomplish more than a comparable 
group lacking that trustworthiness and trust.? 
(Coleman, 334, 1990)
 The intense social bonding of Gypsies and 
Travellers is probably a central factor that 
has assisted in the transmission of cultural 
traditions within this community and also the 
preservation of their distinct identity. Despite 
being one of Britain?s oldest minorities and 
hence exposed to centuries rather than decades 
(as is the case with more recent minority group 
arrivals) of exposure to and interaction with 
mainstream culture, Gypsies and Travellers 
have preserved strong forms of identity. We 
therefore set out to examine to what extent 
bonding capital dominates social relationships 
within Gypsy and Traveller communities within 
the participants of the TEIP survey or whether 
changing employment and social circumstances 
has led to a greater emphasis on ?bridging? 
capital and relationships.
 Table 28 presents a relatively unusual picture 
when contrasted with the ndings from the 
(very limited) research which explores inter-
 community relations. In the few studies which 
have explored inter-cultural relationships and 
friendship patterns amongst Gypsies and
 Travellers, (Greenelds and Smith, 2010; 
qualitative data included in Wigeld, et. al. 
2010 ?good relations? study on behalf of the 
EHRC) respondents have overwhelmingly 
preferred to socialise with members of their 
own communities, tending to state that ?we 
don?t mix much outside? ?only spend time with 
our own? (see Greenelds and Smith, 2010 for 
further discussion)
 In contrast, the TEIP found amongst the G/
 IT sample 33 interviewees (43%) operated 
predominantly within ?bonded? social groups 
whilst a larger sub-set of 37 interviewees (48%) 
Chapter Ten - Social Capital and Community Relations 134
 had wider and more diverse social networks. 
This chapter seeks to outline why and in what 
context these variations occur, the ways in 
which bonding and bridging networks operate 
and the impact these types of social capital can 
have on economic activities and social inclusion.
 Family Relationships
 Gypsies and Travellers in the interview sample 
placed a strong emphasis on family networks, 
with individuals who experienced both bridging 
and bonding capital reporting frequent contact 
with relatives or (frequently) living in close 
proximity to them. Often interviewees reported 
occupying the same site or being concentrated 
in the same part of a housing estate as their 
relatives (see further Greenelds & Smith, 2010 
for a discussion on social housing exchange 
as a way of strengthening bonding capital 
and neighbourhood ties). Family networks 
stretched far beyond the basic nuclear family 
and encompassed close ties with more distant 
extended family members:
 ?We?ve got our own place and somewhere to live. 
I?ve got my family around me which is the most 
important thing to me. I?ve got a sister and her 
children and her husband, my mother, my father 
before he died, cousin next door and I think that is 
what helps makes a Traveller family work because 
togetherness is important you know? (G F 51-60).
 A very large proportion of the interviewees 
mentioned that attending family events such 
as weddings, funerals and christenings created 
important opportunities to meet those in their 
social networks. For some, sites were not only a 
place to live but also places of social interaction 
and spaces where business deals could be 
struck and information exchanged. The latter 
factor may explain (in part) why the ?Traveller 
Economy? was strongest amongst site residents 
or where sites existed in close proximity to 
housed Gypsy/Traveller networks (see further 
Chapter Four):
 ?Well I?ve just been to friends to pick up these tools 
- so work is a big point of people coming together 
and other events like funerals, weddings and just 
having a yard here. Someone will just come in the 
yard, you know, it?s usually busier than this, we 
only had one visitor while you were here, but it?s 
usually busier? (G M 41-50).
 Table 28 Gypsy and Irish Travellers friendship patterns
 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40
 Majority Non-Traveller
 No Reply
 Majority Traveller
 Mixture 37
 33
 10
 6
 Traveller and Settled Friendships
Chapter Ten - Social Capital and Community Relations 135
 ?Bonding? and ?Bridging? Networks: 
determining factors
 Family ?bonds? are critical but some Gypsies and 
Travellers also have ?bridging? (inter-community) 
social capital
 As has been noted above, not all the 
interviewees emphasized the supremacy of 
bonding social capital; with some respondents 
having much wider and more ethnically mixed 
networks, and other interviewees appearing 
to be more isolated, having little contact with 
either their own community or ?outside? groups. 
The growth of bridging capital and wider social 
networks may in part be attributable to the 
shortage of sites and subsequent increase in 
numbers of Gypsies and Travellers who have 
moved into housing. For many community 
members geographic dispersal makes it 
signicantly harder to maintain close links 
with kin and ethnic group members, a factor 
implicated in high rates of social isolation and 
depression amongst some women in particular 
(Richardson et,.al., 2007; Van Cleemput et. al., 
2007; Greenelds and Smith, 2010).
 ?You don?t get bored living on a site and I love 
the closeness. A lot of people in the last ten years 
have gone into houses, the majority they don?t feel 
safe. There is no community there within a house. 
I know a woman she always comes down to the 
market she is a Gypsy. She ended up going into a 
at and she absolutely hated it. She said we should 
stay out as long as we can? (IT F 41-50).
 Fear and mistrust of ?outside? communities 
creates social distancing
 The TEIP found (in common with other studies, 
see further Cemlyn et, al 2009) that the 
strengthening of close kin and ethnic group ties 
amongst Gypsies and Travellers were in part 
responsive to a sense of fear, and mistrust of the 
wider community who, (with some justication 
given experiences of racism in school and 
other settings) it was felt , were often hostile to 
Gypsies and Travellers:
 ?I?ve always been part of a big massive family and 
always had support, with lots of friends and family 
altogether and not being isolated. If you know 
that everything outside of your camp is completely 
dierent to what you are living in and all the 
people on the outside life they all have this thing 
where they think that you are all bad and they 
never give anyone a chance to show that there 
is good and bad. It is not surprising then that we 
keep close? (G F 41-50).
 Distancing could also be prompted by moral 
fears of the settled community (see further 
Chapter nine for a discussion on concerns over 
?dilution? of culture through access to education) 
which could be perceived of as polluting 
and corrupting. Okely (1983) has argued that 
historical notions of cultural pollution and 
maintenance of traditional rituals (for example 
the washing of clothes in particular ways) had 
encouraged Gypsies and Travellers to retain 
strong cultural barriers and ?distance? between 
the community and wider populations. Whilst 
Acton (1997) may be correct in identifying 
a decline in such traditional behaviours we 
would suggest that fear of other communities 
both in the sense of avoiding physical danger 
and racism and retaining cultural separateness 
continue to act as a driver for maintaining social 
distancing. A point illustrated in the quotation 
below:
 ?We were having a lot of trouble with the kids, 
they were Travellers and growing up in a settled 
community, the Traveller ways were coming out 
of them. It?s very hard to keep them always like 
you have in the past and not to be drinking and 
smoking and whatever. It is very hard to keep 
them that way when others are robbing and 
stealing and get them into trouble - when you are 
living on a council estate and hanging out with 
non-Travellers. I?m not saying the non-Travellers 
gets them to do that, but there?s no understanding 
of the Traveller life? (IT 21-30 F).
 A number of interviewees described how 
they related to and felt around non-Travellers. 
Some respondents described a general 
?uncomfortableness? whilst others sought to 
avoid such contact and to remain purely within 
their own community and culture:
 ?I don?t really mix with a lot of non-Traveller 
people. I don?t really mix with other people just 
with Travellers. I talk to anybody but I don?t feel 
comfortable with non-Travellers? 
(IT F under the age of 21).
 Spatial segregation/site locations leads to social 
distancing
 As we have considered in relation to 
accommodation provision in Chapter 8, 
segregated locations of habitation, (both 
isolated rural sites and local authority 
sites occupying marginal space), act as 
further barriers to engagement with wider 
Chapter Ten - Social Capital and Community Relations 136
 communities. Thus such spatial marginalisation, 
when combined with intense bonding 
social capital are factors that exacerbate and 
accentuate separation from the ?mainstream?.
 Interestingly, within the survey a majority of 
those respondents who exhibited the strongest 
attachment to bonding capital were women. 
We posit that greater pressure may, as a 
consequence of traditional gender roles, be 
placed on women to restrict their interaction 
with the wider community, and this, coupled 
with the oft-noted tendency for women to 
act as ?transmitters of culture? may extenuate 
a preference to intra-community social 
involvement. An additional key nding, is that 
three quarters of those displaying ?bonding? 
capital traits within the TEIP survey were located 
on sites, supporting indications from GTANAs 
that families and individuals resident in housing 
are more likely to engage with ?non? Traveller 
economy employment, access education 
and training and enter into marriages/ 
relationships/ friendships with people from 
other communities as close-knit bonds become 
loosened and they are exposed to alternative 
ways of life.
 Thus, whilst the geographical location of sites 
(and lowered tendency for non-Travellers 
to visit sites for social purposes see further 
Cemlyn et. al., 2009) as well as the proximity 
of family members are probably important 
factors in cementing bonding social capital 
the disadvantage of segregation and ?parallel 
communities? are also likely to accrue to 
residents. As identied within earlier chapters, 
the strength of bonding social capital and 
cultural/social expectations of other site 
residents (see Putnam, 1993 for a discussion 
on peer pressure in ?bonded? communities and 
Chapter 5 for interviewee?s narrative on leaving 
sites after moving to new employment sectors) 
may also explain to a large extent why many 
interviewees have closely followed traditional 
economic activities, as they have been able to
 access in-family training, employment 
opportunities and information of work 
opportunities in a way which would not be 
possible if they were undertaking other forms 
of work or living at another location (see further 
Chapter Four).
 Dierences in the nature of social networks 
(bonded or bridged) showed remarkable 
continuity across age bands. Within all 
generations in the G/IT sample there was an 
almost equal distribution of bridging and 
bonding networks. However, perhaps contrary 
to expectation, amongst the youngest group 
(the under 21s) there was a predominance of 
bonding social capital, perhaps explained by 
the fact that the majority of this age band were 
female and lived on one particular site where 
more traditional social conventions governed. 
In addition to gender and accommodation, 
respondents? employment type appeared to 
be the most important factor in determining 
with what types of social networks they would 
commonly engage.
 We have noted, that nearly half the interview 
sample could be described as having access 
to bridging social capital. Approximately three 
quarters of respondents exhibiting this type of 
social behaviour lived in housing. Given that 
residence in ?bricks and mortar? accommodation 
is likely to fragment traditional social networks 
based on extended families, and thus leading 
to reduced opportunities to secure work in 
the traditional Traveller Economy, there is an 
increased drift towards formalised waged 
employment for housed families. This single 
factor, together with living surrounded by 
non-Travellers (albeit social relations may be 
poor see further below) may be one of the most 
important issues in promoting bridging capital 
amongst housed Gypsies and Travellers.
 Conversely, we posit that Gypsies and Travellers 
living on sites who have weaker access to 
bonded social capital (i.e. divorced women 
with children who may not have their own 
relatives in immediate proximity) may be more 
likely to desire a move into housing where 
they can access waged employment. It was 
noteworthy that amongst female respondents 
with wide bridging (and also in some cases 
strong simultaneous bonding) social networks, 
a large number worked in the third sector 
agencies. Through their involvement in waged 
employment they have signicantly greater 
interaction with members of the non-Traveller 
community than do their peers engaged in 
traditional economic activities.
 Bonding social capital operates as an important 
factor in sustaining the Traveller Economy 
whilst access to bridging capital is associated 
with higher levels of nancial success and 
accommodation stability (for both sited and 
housed Gypsies and Travellers)
 We have noted above (and in other chapters) 
Chapter Ten - Social Capital and Community Relations 137
 the relevance of access to high levels of bonding 
capital to success within the Traveller Economy. 
In contrast, individuals who reported the 
highest levels of contact with non-Gypsies and 
Travellers, (strong bridging capital) were found 
to be most likely to have undertaken formal 
education and training courses, to be employed 
in mainstream employment areas and to be 
more disposed to economic adaptation and 
innovation. For these respondents the outcome 
of such innovation (and engagement with non-
 traditional behaviours) was access to secure and 
stable accommodation, a tendency to report 
positive work experiences and relationships 
with services providers and networks of 
contacts with people outside of the Gypsy and 
Traveller communities as well as their own 
relatives. These traits were evident for Gypsies 
and Travellers resident on sites, as well as those 
in housing who had engaged more fully with 
?external? activities and enhanced their bridging 
capital.
 In discussing these broad tendencies it would 
be wrong however to assume that clear ?one 
or other? divisions were found in the nature 
of social engagements/networks. Some 
respondents who operated within primarily 
bonding social networks also reported 
signicant contacts with the wider community, 
although such interactions (for example 
associated with working) were secondary, 
regarded as being of limited importance and 
were at times supercial, (see further Wigeld, 
et. al., 2010) compared to those in their inner 
social networks.
 ?I have a lot more Traveller friends than non-
 Traveller friends. It is because I travelled around 
from place to place over the country, I?ve lived on 
sites, so along the way I met a lot of people and 
they are still my friends today. But being in the 
centre [Gypsy Traveller community group with 
mixed sta] everyone here is my friend and we go 
out. Because they are older than me, my mum and 
dad don?t mind. I think a lot of the Gypsy families 
prefer the kids not to mix with people outside the 
community? (G F under 21).
 ?Yes I don?t have much contact with the settled 
community. There is like one or two but they are 
Irish we have known them all our life and we meet 
them in the pub and my brothers know the men. 
That is how we meet the women but we don?t 
really go into their homes? (IT F 21-30).
 Work or study experiences can create diverse 
social networks
 Conversely some Gypsies and Travellers had 
developed important links with the wider 
?mainstream? community and also more diverse 
social networks created through student or 
work experiences or resulting from the social 
mix in their neighbourhoods.
 ?I have friends in the community but the majority 
are non-community [not Gypsies or Travellers]. 
I guess I broke the ice, I know there are other 
Travellers that went to university but for me it 
was a new life and a big part of university was my 
friends but they accepted me for who I am. I told 
friends what I was and they were interested and 
wanted to know but in earlier times I was ashamed 
of where I came from because of bullying and 
racism but not now, I?m proud of where I come 
from? (G M 21-30).
 For other respondents however, there seemed 
little evidence of interaction between Traveller 
and non-Traveller social networks and a clear 
tendency to keep the two ?groups? apart:
 ?I do mix with a lot of non-Travellers as well. I do 
know a lot of people in the area. But you don?t 
really mix both because some of the Travellers 
can?t tolerate ?country people?. So I kind of keep it 
separate sometimes. But when I was in a house 
that?s when I was making all the non-Traveller 
friends but on the site you don?t really make friends 
with settled people? (IT F 21-30).
 The above quotation illustrates the tensions 
that can exist between Gypsies and Travellers 
and the settled community; and the impact 
of peer pressure on keeping ?mixed? networks 
segregated. The TEIP analysis supports the 
proposition that experiences of life-long racism 
and discrimination and Gypsies? and Travellers? 
expectations of such reactions if ?boundaries? 
are crossed have acted as perhaps the strongest 
barrier to inter-community contact, exacerbated 
by conicting cultural beliefs (see further 
Greenelds and Smith, 2010; Shelter, 2007; 
Derrington & Kendall, 2004).
 For some interviewees their experiences of
 discrimination and racism were profound 
enough to lead to a sense that their culture and 
community were ?under siege?. Thus, concerns 
pertaining to discrimination and experiences of 
enacted racism were felt by many respondents 
to be an important factor which inuenced 
Chapter Ten - Social Capital and Community Relations 138
 interviewees? choice of work, experience of 
engaging in transcultural employment, and 
ultimately their economic opportunities and 
inclusion.
 Experiences of racism
 The high levels of racism and enacted 
discrimination experienced by Gypsies and 
Travellers are well documented (see further 
Cemlyn, et. al., 2009) and incontrovertible. 
We have discussed (in Chapter 9) the impact 
of racism within school settings on TEIP 
participants? condence in remaining in 
education and explored the impacts on their 
life-chances of disengagement from the formal 
educational system. Within this chapter we 
turn now to explore the impacts of repeated 
experiences of discrimination on community 
relations and consider how this aects Gypsies 
and Travellers? willingness to enter into 
potentially ?dangerous? employment situations 
where they may have to engage with members 
of the wider community in contexts where their 
skills may be unrecognised and their support 
needs are often unmet. Table 29 (below) 
illustrates the prevalence rate of experiences of 
racism and discrimination in the lives of Gypsy 
and Irish Traveller interviewees.
 Gypsies and Travellers experience high levels of 
enacted racism and discrimination
 Seventy eight percent of the G/IT sample 
(67/86 interviewees) reported that they had 
experienced racism at some point in their 
lives with 23% of respondents noting that 
this occurred on a regular basis. For many 
interviewees, racism consisted of direct 
challenges from the wider community which 
manifested itself in social, community and 
work environments. Experiences of racism 
were reported by interviewees to be especially 
prominent in school (Chapter 9) with both 
teachers and pupils participating in racist 
behaviours; reports which mirror ndings 
from a number of other studies (e.g. Wilkin et. 
al., 2009). For some interviewees, experiences 
of racism have declined after leaving school 
as interaction with the wider community has 
become reduced, for others their negative 
experiences have continued, building up a 
history of discriminatory experiences and 
memories of poor quality interactions with the 
?wider? community.
 One middle-aged respondent felt that racism 
was less intense in recent years because Gypsies 
and Travellers were no longer as obvious to the 
wider community in terms of how they 
* Diagram illustrates responses from 56% of the sample (48/86 
interviewees) who were explicit about the nature of discrimination
 Table 29 Gypsy and Irish Traveller interviewees? experiences of racism and discrimination
 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40
 In the past
 Rarely
 Now and then
 No Response
 No
 Regular Basis
 Yes (unspecied) 37
 20
 10
 9
 5
 4
 1
 Racism and Prejudice
Chapter Ten - Social Capital and Community Relations 139
 dressed and appeared, with Roma who are 
more ?obviously dierent? bearing the brunt of 
racism. Some other participants, particularly 
those residing in caravans or who had 
experienced living at ?roadside? or unauthorised 
encampments, believed that little had changed, 
as their ?visibility? combined with popular media 
vitriol expended against Gypsies and Travellers 
had ensured that they were often the target 
of abuse. A relatively small number of the 
interviewees felt that racism towards Gypsies 
and Travellers was diminishing or at the least 
had ?gone underground? with people feeling 
less condent in using racist terms to harass or 
abuse them:
 ?The local doctors they know we are Travellers we 
don?t have a problem with them, the school is very 
good for my sister?s boys. Like I said I haven?t got 
a job outside. I don?t really mix much outside my 
own family and Travellers you know and I don?t 
nd when I go into Tesco that someone looks at 
me and says ?Dirty Gypsy? or something like that. 
Perhaps we are blending, perhaps if we looked like 
Travellers more we might get a harder time? (G F 
51-60).
 As is indicated in the above quotation, a number 
of respondents identied that their membership 
of a white ethnic minority made them relatively 
invisible. The tendency for participants to wear 
clothes which were identical to other members 
of wider society (particularly those working in 
similar elds e.g. working clothes and driving 
vans for those engaged in manual trades) and 
the fact that for many who operated within 
closed ?bonding? networks they experienced 
only limited interaction with the wider 
community also reduced the risk of experiences 
of racism. One interviewee felt that being 
professional and housed he was less obviously ?a 
Gypsy? and consequently was less of ?a target?:
 ?I am not as visible as a member of the community 
because I am not in a trailer on the side of the 
road and don?t have to face the day to day racism 
that people face. I am fortunate in that respect. 
I do challenge people who come up with views 
that I consider to be racist and unfair on the 
community and do end up having disputes with 
people over what I perceive of as their racism to 
my community? (G M 41-50).
 The view of the majority of respondents 
that racism towards Gypsies and Travellers is 
still intense reects reports that have cited 
?overwhelming evidence? of ?persistent? racism 
(Cemlyn et al 2009). Amongst those in the 
G/IT sample who were explicit about the 
nature of the racism they had experienced, 
8 interviewees/ (12%) reported they 
had experienced direct racist violence, 8 
interviewees/(12% ) had experienced verbal 
abuse, 10 interviewees/(15%) had experienced 
other forms of ?direct? (unspecied) racism whilst 
14 interviewees/(21%) reported what we have 
classied as ?indirect racism?, such as hearing 
people discuss Gypsies and Travellers in a 
hostile or derogatory manner without realizing 
that the participant was present or was a 
member of the Gypsy and Traveller community.
 The respondent quoted below indicated the 
impact of experiencing life-long discrimination, 
and the way in which these experiences could 
lead to cynicism and nostalgia for the past:
 ?When I was a kid in the 60s I thought racism 
and sexism would be dead by the year 2000, 
I?m the most disappointed man you could meet 
because it?s not dead but getting stronger. That?s 
why I think people look back to a golden age of 
travelling? (G M 51-60).
 Experiences of Racism in Community Settings
 Racism impacts on social situations and 
diminishes Gypsies? and Travellers? willingness to 
?mix? socially
 Many respondents discussed the way in which 
racism was evident in wider community 
interactions, ranging from ?name calling? and 
being refused service in pubs to direct threats of 
violence and intimidation. Racism could also be 
more subtle, displayed in hostile body language 
and guarded interaction in social situations:
 ?You can be talking to people and people still 
think it is quite acceptable to be really racist about 
Gypsies and Travellers. They just think it is OK 
to do it and it?s not and also getting questions 
about our identity, whoever I?m talking to knows 
who the real Gypsy is. There are too many people 
walking around here and trying to tell us who we 
are and that is full of racism without realising it. I 
did a piece of work this year and it was called ?The 
walls can be invisible?, you can go into a room and 
nobody has to say anything body language is 
that strong you know what they are thinking. It is 
very easy when you are talking to people they are 
talking to you but they don?t actually want to talk 
to you and they think you can?t see that. So these 
Chapter Ten - Social Capital and Community Relations 140
 walls are there and they are invisible and I think 
that is something what the Travellers are acutely 
aware of even Traveller kids are aware. That?s why 
I think there are a lot of frictions sometimes in 
classroom situations because it is an inbuilt racism 
because of all the stereotyping which historically is 
going on.? ? (G F 41-50).
 Racism can lead to Gypsies and Travellers being 
refused access to services
 A number of previous reports have noted the 
relatively common experience of Gypsies and 
Travellers being refused access to services (e.g. 
hiring halls; use of launderettes etc. Narratives 
(and indeed earlier research, see further Cemlyn 
et. al., 2009) include numerous references to 
pubs refusing service to Gypsies and Travellers 
or displaying illegal ?No Travellers? signs. Pubs 
were in fact, a very common location for racist 
experiences. Approximately 10 percent of the 
Gypsy and Traveller sample listed being barred 
from, or refused service within pubs, or being 
the brunt of racism comments from other 
customers as a particular problem. A series 
of research reports have noted a common 
experience for Gypsies and Travellers of being 
refused services (even to the extent of not 
being able to order in a Pizza to a caravan site; 
or having diculties obtaining ?catalogues? to 
buy items on hire purchase, see further Home 
and Greenelds, 2006) or experiencing being 
followed within retail outlets by security guards 
who perceive them as being more likely to 
steal goods. A number of participants detailed 
these ?everyday? incidents of enacted racism or 
having to engage with and overcome negative 
stereotypes:
 ?...it?s an everyday experience [racism]. When I was 
younger I tried to hide [the fact that] I was an Irish 
Traveller and it was easy because I lived in a house, 
but when they did nd out they?d call you ?tinker? 
and in games say ?I don?t want to hold her hand.? 
....2 years ago I went into a [retailer] and it was 
my birthday and I went in with 4 kids and I said 
don?t talk. My boy who is now 18 said to me ?What 
do you mean don?t talk??, well I said ?If they nd 
out we?re Travellers they?re going to follow us all 
around.? Anyway to cut a long story short we went 
in and they followed us around and I got to the till 
and the man said ?I can?t serve you.? I asked why 
and he said for the reason ?you are a Traveller.? ? (IT 
F 31-40).
 ?We asked a local rm to come up and give 
estimates for planting trees on the site, the man 
that came up said his boss wouldn?t let him come 
up at rst because it was a Traveller site. Anyway 
in the end he came up here and he said he was 
expecting the kids to steal from his lorry and for 
there to be a riot going on but after having walked 
around the site and met people [he said] ?I can see 
you?re no dierent to anyone else?? (G F 41-50)
 Gypsies and Travellers in housing frequently 
experience high levels of racism
 Racist neighbours are a major source of distress 
for many housed Gypsies and Travellers, 
conrming ndings from a number of recent
 reports and GTANA evidence (Shelter, 2007; 
Richardson, et al. 2007; Greenelds & Smith, 
2010-11-04).
 ?We bought the home where I live now but when 
I moved in there, there was some funny stu with 
the neighbours. ?We?ve got a tinker moving in, 
lock everything away? kind of thing and I?ve been 
here for 13 years. After the rst couple of years 
I had some somebody come up to me and says 
?You are nothing like what we imagined and you 
keep yourself to yourself? which I do. I do my own 
thing and I sell cosmetics from a catalogue and 
everybody from the street nearly buys o from me? 
(G F 31-40).
 Despite the fact that some respondents and 
research indicate that Roma are regarded as 
more ?visible? and thus potentially at higher risk 
of experiencing racism (European Dialogue, 
2009), Roma interviewees reported that whilst 
they were aware of the racism towards Gypsies/
 Roma in the UK, they generally felt safe and 
believed that in many cases it was not obvious 
to the wider community that they were Roma 
but were instead regarded as being from 
another (indeterminate) ethnic group. This 
nding may however be reective of their 
experiences in their countries of origin as even 
enacted racism in the UK is likely to be less 
violent than in A8 and A2 countries, and in 
addition, linguistic issues or lack of familiarity 
with expressions or behaviours may potentially 
not be identied accurately as reecting anti-
 Roma discriminatory attitudes. Despite the 
sense that in general they were ?safe? from 
racism, fear of encountering hostility was still a 
source of apprehension, as was how they might 
be treated by other members of society in 
particular settings or in certain localities:
 ?I live in mainly a white community, people do not 
know my ethnicity to them I am a Turk or Indian 
Chapter Ten - Social Capital and Community Relations 141
 but I don?t go to the local pub. I?m not so brave, I 
mostly go to the city centre? (R M 31-40).
 Recent events in Belfast where Roma were
 threatened with violence from far right groups 
indicate that in some areas Roma are becoming 
a recognised racial target (Guardian 26th July 
2009).
 For other TEIP participants, Gypsies and 
Travellers who were living on unauthorised 
developments and encampments reported that 
their ?visibility? and lack of secure locations (e.g. 
parked at a roadside) made them particularly 
likely to be victims of aggression. Thus, families 
in these situations were subjected to some 
of the most acute experiences of racism and 
were often the butt of community tensions 
(for example when hostile media reporting 
occurred, perhaps connected to a newspaper 
story in relation to unauthorised developments 
or opposition to Traveller sites): One 
respondent, living at an unauthorised roadside 
camp recounted the frequency of such events:
 ?This week we only had 4 attacks - what you might 
call attacks. Three of those were verbal and one 
throwing stones [people driving by]. In this trailer 
we have new windows because in Dorchester 
the old ones were shot out. The wife had gone up 
north to see her father and in the night I heard this 
sound and thought it was hail stones but they had 
been ring airguns. In the morning I could see the 
outer screens on the windows had been shot out? 
(G M 51-60).
 A number of the interviewees revealed how, in 
a range of social situations, discussions about 
Gypsies and Travellers could arise, during which 
members of the wider community would make 
provocative comments, in some cases either 
not knowing, or not caring about the ethnicity 
of the respondent. In some cases however such 
incidents provided important opportunities to 
challenge racist perceptions:
 ?I was at a funeral on one occasion and a Millwall 
supporter [historically a football club with 
notoriously racist supporters although robust 
action by the club is improving the situation] was 
actually at the funeral of one of my elderly cousins 
and he was the friend of the son. We were talking 
outside and somebody out there was a King 
[surname] so I happened to mention I was a Gypsy 
and asked them if they were [too].I It was in the 
obituary of the person being buried that she was 
a Gypsy and the Millwall lad just turned up and 
hadn?t been to the whole funeral because he had 
to work and he mentioned he was from Millwall 
and he was a Millwall supporter and he said ?You 
are ?pikeys? then?? Obviously we corrected that bit 
and he said he was there for Mary?s funeral, I said 
?if you are that ?anti? what are you doing at Mary?s 
funeral?? He said because she was a really lovely 
lady and I said she was a Gypsy and he said he 
never knew that and he was there as a friend of the 
son. We had this discussion and he also admitted 
that when Millwall have a bad result there is an 
encampment of Gypsies nearby and they would 
go out there and cause trouble. I was talking to 
him and saying to him ?what sort of work do they 
do? not all of them are on benets? [in response 
to stereotypes pertaining to ?dole scrounging 
Travellers?]. I went through all the positives and 
negatives and he said he was somebody that 
wouldn?t be racist in the future and I hope he was 
right? (G F 41-50).
 Racism in Work
 Gypsies and Travellers can often experience 
severe racism and harassment in work settings
 Given the high frequency of racism towards 
Gypsies and Travellers in the mainstream 
community it is not surprising that experiences 
of racism at work were commonly cited. Not 
only could those in the Traveller economy be 
victims of abuse from ?mainstream? populations 
when seeking employment, but a number 
of TEIP participants in waged labour also 
complained of experiencing poor treatment and 
harassment by fellow sta:
 ?When I got married my husband was doing 
gardening work too. He is an Irish Traveller - he 
wasn?t doing the same sort of work what we were 
doing. His dad was always a builder his dad has 
never done fruit and vegetable picking or anything 
like that. I watched him get chased down roads 
by people screaming and shouting just for asking 
if they want their grass cut. Things have been 
very frightening at times, sometimes he had a lot 
of trouble, people trying to beat him up for just 
asking about work? (ST F 31-40).
 ?.... one of the misfortunes I had when I worked 
in the post oce was some of the girls that I 
worked with at school they worked there and they 
obviously told everybody else where I was from. So 
I got the name-calling and the racial abuse which 
really in that environment you couldn?t really do 
much about, there wasn?t anybody to complain to? 
(G F 41-50).
Chapter Ten - Social Capital and Community Relations 142
 Racism can also exist in professional work 
environments
 A number of respondents reported to the 
TEIP that personal experiences of racism, or 
witnessing colleagues making discriminatory 
comments was also common in professional 
settings, for example whilst participating in 
professional training sessions in educational 
environments and even in work situations 
within Gypsy/Traveller third sector 
organisations:
 ?Me and my colleague she is also a Traveller and 
we?ve done [education] inset sessions on Gypsy 
and Traveller lifestyle culture. We?ve gone into the 
university and done inset , and we asked them 
what do they think about Travellers and we?ve had 
things that make your blood run cold and then 
afterwards we actually said ?we are both Gypsies 
and Travellers? and we?ve had ?NO!!!!?. One of them 
came up to me and said ?I?m sorry, I do apologise? 
and she had literally said to me that ?all Travellers 
do this and just live on the dole, cause mess and 
destruction everywhere?. Had she known we were 
Travellers she wouldn?t have said all this but she 
did because we were just totally not what she was 
expecting. All that stereotyping - what she has 
done all day long - we just attened it like that. So 
we have all these things said to us and tell them at 
the end which really shocks them especially when 
you have a whole day with them because they are 
just not expecting that and it is quite shocking. We 
even had one person walk out the room when she 
found out after a whole day with us, she just got 
up and walked out of the room.? (G F 21-30).
 Gypsies and Travellers experience discrimination 
in recruitment
 The most frequently cited experience 
of employment related racism relates to 
discrimination in recruitment when participants 
provide a site address. This nding mirrors 
ndings in GTANAs (see Appendix B for details 
of GTANAs which explore this topic) and other 
research, e.g. Greenelds, 2008). Interviewees 
were explicit and united in their identication 
of the fact that a ?site address? alerted employers 
to their ethnicity and frequently meant that 
they were either not called to interview, or if 
interviewed were not oered employment, or 
were victimised within the work place.
 ?I had an interview [JobCentre] last week. I took 
my CV in and the lady asked if there is any problem 
why I nd it hard to get work. I said? yes one 
problem is my address where I live -
 and because I?m a Gypsy?. She said do another CV 
take your address o. But I think why should you 
take your address o? She said if you take your 
address o probably you would be better for work. 
If I lived in a house and get a house address that 
would make it better for me, just because we live 
on a caravan site you are automatically a Gypsy 
and [there are assumptions of] stealing they don?t 
treat everybody the same? (G F 41-50).
 A common defensive tactic used by ?sited? 
Gypsies and Travellers seeking employment 
in the waged labour sector is to make use of a 
?care of? address of a housed friend or relative, 
thus enabling them to disguise their address 
and thus their ethnicity (see further GTANA 
evidence; Greenelds, 2008; Cemlyn et. al., 2009)
 In tacit recognition of this location based 
discrimination, Communities and Local 
Government guidance on site design (CLG, 
2008) suggests that the developers of new sites 
may wish to devise standard street names for 
sites which do not indicate that they are in fact 
residential Gypsy sites, thus potentially reducing 
the incidence of such discrimination. However, 
one interviewee who was a social entrepreneur 
was adamant that a site he was developing 
would be known as a ?site? and have a ?traditional 
Gypsy site name?, to do otherwise, he argued 
was to be coerced into hiding one?s identity in 
response to racism.
 Respondents? reactions to racism
 In Chapter 9 some interviewees discussed 
how when they were children they would 
sometimes physically retaliate to racist 
incidents or discriminatory comments. By the 
time respondents had reached adulthood the 
majority had accepted that not only was this 
an inappropriate way of dealing with such 
events but that the all-pervasive nature of 
?anti-Gypsyism? meant that they were likely 
to experience discrimination and racism on a 
regular basis throughout their lives. This almost 
fatalistic acceptance of discrimination and 
racism meant that within the TEIP survey we 
found very few cases where interviewees had 
made formalcomplaints to the authorities about 
racism. Amongst many respondents there was 
a perception that the authorities in any sector 
(be they police, or those designated to deal with 
complaints procedures in other settings) would 
not deal adequately with such complaints of 
discriminatory or racist behaviour towards 
Gypsies and Travellers.
Chapter Ten - Social Capital and Community Relations 143
 An additional hurdle to seeking assistance or 
redress for racism within the workplace was that 
virtually none of the interviewees were trade 
union members, as many of those in low waged 
employment were employed in areas where 
union organisation is particularly weak, and in 
any event, there is no strong tradition of such 
collective action amongst communities where 
individualism and independence are prized. 
This lack unionisation and limited awareness of 
modes of redress have no doubt reduced the 
likelihood of Gypsy and Traveller sta who have 
been victimised taking formal action against the 
perpetrator. A number of respondents who had 
direct experience of employment related racism 
also referred to their resigned expectations that 
they would be the butt of racist behaviours:
 ?I think it is a part of our life really. When you are 
younger you start ghting against it but now you 
just carry on with your life and walk away from 
it. I think they?ve got a problem you haven?t got 
a problem. I think we are discriminated against 
more than other minorities but that is just the way 
it is? (IT M 41-50).
 In contrast, several other interviewees stated 
that their response to racist language was 
vigorous, whilst a greater number reported 
trying to discuss the views of the racist person 
and reason with them where possible.
 The TEIP has posited that widespread 
perceptions of endemic racism and hostility 
amongst the wider community may provide a 
partial explanation for respondents? low levels 
of involvement in mainstream community 
organisations. Overall, other than involvement 
in church and faith groups, which played 
an important part in the lives of many 
interviewees. only four participants in the G/
 IT sample belonged to wider community 
groups (e.g clubs; local community groups, 
political organizations, etc.). We posit that low 
participation rates in wider community groups 
may stem from a combination of high levels of 
bonding social capital which places a premium 
on engagement with family and ethnic group 
networks rather than those which are ?outside? 
of the community; but also a pervasive sense 
of ?not being welcome? in other transcultural 
settings.
 Supporting the Community through 
Volunteering
 Twenty two respondents (25% of the G/
 IT sample) were involved in voluntary work 
undertaken specically with and for the Gypsy 
and Traveller community. Whilst this relatively 
high gure is likely to be reective of the 
make-up of the sample, given that a large 
number of the interviewees were employed in 
community groups and that such employment 
had originated from voluntary work with which 
many of them continued, the relationship 
between volunteering and engagement 
with civil society is close. Volunteering which 
primarily benets the group or community to 
which a volunteer belongs is recognized as 
a model of ?mutual aid/self-help? (Volunteer 
England, 2010), but this type of volunteering 
still holds the capacity to develop bridging 
capital (see above and Chapter 11) and enhance 
the volunteer?s skills in a manner which enables 
them to transfer the lessons learnt to other 
contexts. It is likely that TEIP participants 
who are active in volunteering feel most at 
ease undertaking community volunteering 
in their own cultural context where they will 
not be exposed to discrimination as well as 
recognizing the critical need given the high 
levels of exclusion and discrimination faced 
by Gypsies and Travellers. We posit that as the 
community becomes more engaged with wider 
society (a trend which we have identied in 
earlier chapters) Gypsy and Traveller volunteers 
are likely to engage with a broader range of 
civic activities whilst still undertaking inter-
 community volunteering.
 The gure of 22 TEIP interviewees who are 
active volunteers is comparable to levels of 
volunteerism in the wider community where 
it has been estimated that a quarter of people 
formally volunteer at least once a month (CLG 
2009; Volunteer England, 2010).
 Revealing Ethnicity at Work
 Within the TEIP questionnaire we explored with 
participants whether (and how) they revealed 
their ethnicity to work colleagues. We devised 
this question with the intent of exploring how 
?safe? individuals felt in working situations and 
their condence in being able to self-identify as 
a member of a minority ethnic group ? factors 
which are critical to a number of domains within 
the Equalities Measurement Framework (EMF). 
Chapter Ten - Social Capital and Community Relations 144
 Table 30 above details interviewees? responses 
to this question, revealing both a remarkably 
positive indicator of community condence, 
and (for some) providing evidence of the nature 
of their employment networks (for example if 
working within the ?Traveller economy? or in a 
community project for Gypsies and Travellers it 
is nonsensical to attempt to ?hide? one?s identity).
 Gypsies and Travellers are proud of their 
ethnicity and many are condent in revealing 
their identity at work
 To some extent feeling able to reveal one?s 
identity safely not only depended upon how 
much work associates outside the Gypsy and 
Traveller community were trusted, but also 
the context in which someone worked. For 
interviewees in less well paid, more insecure 
waged employment greater risk could 
clearly attach to revealing ethnicity in some 
circumstances where racist bullying might take 
place. Thus, the decision to ?reveal? or ?pass? were 
critical factors which could have a clear impact 
on economic opportunities and well-being 
in work environments and which required a 
nuanced decision making process which varied 
according to circumstances.
 In contrast, a number of interviewees prominent 
amongst those who were open about identity 
felt strongly that pride in their heritage meant 
that it was an act of disloyalty to family and 
culture to deny their ethnic origins. Thus, 
a number of interviewees working in the 
traditional Traveller economy or as skilled 
tradesmen stated that customers with whom 
they had regularly traded were fully aware of 
their ethnicity.
 ?I never hide anything on any ethnicity form. I do 
say what I am and I don?t feel ashamed of who I 
am, but then again if I had kind of changed it in 
the past I wouldn?t be here today [would probably 
have been more economically successful]. I think it 
would have beneted me work wise previously if I 
had not put down what I was? (G M 21-30).
 ?My employers know exactly where I am from. 
Yes I am a Traveller but judge me by what I do. I 
remember Charles Smith who was a councillor 
and CRE commissioner saying ?I?m a mayor and 
Commissioner who happens to be a Gypsy not the 
Gypsy Commissioner and Mayor? ? that?s how I 
feel? (IT M 51-60).
 A large proportion of those who did reveal 
their ethnicity were involved in voluntary 
work for Gypsies and Travellers and thus were 
probably more politicised about revealing their 
identity. In addition, as noted above, for those 
(predominantly younger, female) participants 
who worked in Gypsy and Traveller community 
groups or related services, work environments 
were places where they could freely reveal their 
Table 30: Gypsies? and Irish Travellers? self-ascription at work
 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 45
 Not Applicable
 Open when asked
 Hide ID
 ID Not an Issue
 Sometimes Hide ID
 No Response
 Open about ID 40
 16
 11
 9
 7
 2
 1
 Gypsy and Traveller Identity at Work
Chapter Ten - Social Capital and Community Relations 145
 ethnicity, often leading them to raise identity as 
an issue with service users:
 ?Yes, because it makes them [clients of the 
community project where she is employed] feel at 
ease at times. I don?t always do it straight away 
but I do nd that with quite a few to mention it 
and for them to make a connection with you it 
makes them feel a lot more at ease? (G F 41-50).
 Some Gypsies and Travellers are cautious or 
hide their identity
 We have noted above that revealing one?s 
identity could have a signicantly detrimental 
eect on social and work relations as well as 
employment opportunities. Whilst younger 
women working in community and public 
sector agencies were most likely to be explicit 
about their ethnicity, other respondents 
were far more cautious. Thus, a number of 
interviewees gave ambiguous responses to 
the question of how open they were about 
their ethnic identity, for example, claiming 
that they didn?t need to state who they were 
as it was obvious from the way they spoke 
and acted, in essence relying on the other 
party?s understanding and knowledge of 
Gypsy/Traveller characteristics e.g. body 
language, accent, to be able to identify them 
as a community member. This tactic allows the 
Gypsy or Traveller to control the encounter to 
a greater extent through not self-identifying 
in a way which permits the listener/recipient 
of the knowledge to ?buy in? to a set of crude 
ethnic stereotypes, instead relying on the other 
person having either some understanding and 
knowledge of Gypsy and Traveller culture which 
enables them to identify the Gypsy/Traveller, or 
?passing? as a member of mainstream society. 
Yet other respondents asked explicitly why 
they should be expected to self-ascribe in work 
contexts, reasoning that other ethnic groups 
would not make a great ?show and display? of 
their identity at rst acquaintance.
 A common fear for many interviewees 
(particularly those involved in the Traveller 
economy or in relatively casualised work) 
was they would lose work or not be paid 
if a customer knew of their ethnicity, thus 
emphasizing the importance of ?reading? the 
situation and responding to the degree of 
trust they had in the member of the wider 
community:
 ?You work out who to trust and who to not. You 
work out who will be against you, it?s more of a life 
skill of who is not going to say ?I?m not going to be 
your friend and not talk to you any more? or ?I?m 
going to cause problems for you so you get sacked?. 
So you work it out yourself from life skills really 
and there?s certain people who have the jokes 
[with me] and I?ve got a couple of friends there 
that know I?m a Traveller and they have their jokes 
and they look at me and I just laugh and they just 
laugh with me kind of thing. They know I?ve got to 
the stage where it doesn?t bother me. You do work 
it out from life skills. [But] it?s dicult? (G F 31-40).
 ?Yes, I do experience racism but not as much as 
other Travellers because the way I dress and speak 
and the work I do. People don?t immediately 
realise, I cultivated that. I had my own business for 
years and didn?t tell everyone
 I was a Traveller. You know some Travellers will 
do that because they need to make a living. They 
turn round and tell us to confront racism but 
you have to be careful how you confront it. It?s 
a generational thing. A lot more Travellers are 
supposed to stand up for their rights but I?m not 
sure how many my age are willing to do what I do? 
(G M 61-70).
 ?It goes back to the years of mistrust. People who 
know me personally they know I?m a Gypsy and 
they treat me no dierent than anybody else as 
if I?m a friend and that?s it but people that don?t 
know me if I tell them ?Look I?m a Gypsy? what are 
they going to say It is like walking into a room and 
saying I?m a murderer? (G M 51-60).
 One interviewee had recently decided to 
reveal his identity/heritage more widely in the 
academic institution where he worked. His 
feelings of apprehension indicate that even in 
a more ?liberal? work environment this action 
could contain risk:
 ?I have never said anything to anyone in this line of 
work. Although academics are fairly liberal it only 
extends so far. I?ve said to some people about this 
work on Gypsies and Travellers and they?ve said 
?watch your pockets? and I?ve thought ?Jesus you?re 
supposed to be ultra-liberal academics?. They?re 
not all like that, some are genuinely interested. I 
have though mentioned it to a few people at work 
recently and a girl asked me ?do you nd it dicult 
to work with a community to which you are an 
outsider?? and I thought ?bollocks? and told her 
about my background. How else could I answer 
her? I?ll wait to see what happens? (G M 41-50).
 Given the large number of respondents who 
had experienced racism it was unsurprising that 
a signicant number hid their ethnicity or had 
Chapter Ten - Social Capital and Community Relations 146
 done so in the past when interacting with the 
wider community in working environments. 
Stonewall guidance on employment issues for 
Gay and Lesbian employees has stated that 
hiding sexual identity in work places where 
employees do not feel at ease, can cause 
signicant anxiety and reduce condence 
(Stonewall, 2007). The same point can equally 
be made for Gypsies and Travellers in the work 
place.
 Thus, the following painful quotation reveals 
the damage and anxiety that can be caused by 
receiving negative reactions to revealing one?s 
ethnicity
 ?I didn?t have many friends I?ve never had friends 
in my life. I?ve never been able to make friends. 
I?ve always felt socially excluded, dierent. I?ve 
always stopped myself telling people what I was 
until I felt comfortable in my own skin that they 
wouldn?t judge me which is still even now so with 
customers. I still can?t tell them what I am. They 
have an element straightaway of distrust. An 
example of that is I?ve had a friend since I was 11 
years old. They actually found out this year that 
I?m actually a Romany Gypsy and he dropped 
me like a lead balloon and I?ve known him for 30 
years? (G M 41-50).
 Concluding Reection
 As outlined in this chapter, life-long experience 
of hostility from the wider community can 
impact negatively on a range of life chances 
and economic inclusion and also on the levels 
of trust and condence that Gypsies and 
Travellers feel able to place in wider society and 
institutions such as schools and workplaces.
 The Good Relations Measurement Framework 
identies four key domains (attitudes to and 
from others, personal security, interaction with 
others and participation and inuence in civic 
life) which determine community relations 
and quality of life (Widgeeld and Turner, 
2010). The TEIP would argue that the tensions 
within community relations and generally poor 
experiences of Gypsies and Travellers in the 
context of inter-cultural interactions presented 
in this chapter form a major and shameful 
impediment to progressing the social inclusion 
and full citizenship of members of these 
minority ethnic communities.
147
 Part Four ? Good Practice and 
Recommendations
 In this concluding section of the report, we 
bring together the diverse strands of the 
TEIP research to present a series of policy 
recommendations and good practice examples 
drawn from our engagement with community 
groups and individuals who have participated in 
the study.
 These case study examples are by no means 
denitive. However, the examples selected for 
inclusion in Chapter Eleven are illustrative of 
strategies utilised by agencies and individuals 
which have proven to be eective in supporting 
the community into employment and equally, 
for those already engaged in work (often in the 
community sector) in assisting them to move 
into positions which oer greater scope for 
progression and skill development, leading to a 
greater degree of employment or educational 
choice.
 The Traveller Economic Inclusion Team are 
particularly keen to hear of other examples 
of good practice and to disseminate this 
information to agencies and individuals who 
wish to learn how they can support Roma, 
Gypsies and Travellers (RGT) into full economic 
inclusion, through making use of the lessons 
learned in other settings. We invite Gypsies, 
Travellers, Roma and other stakeholders 
(organizations and employers/employees) to 
submit information relating to good practice 
examples in employment and economic 
inclusion matters, so that we can continue to 
build up resources and develop an ?information 
bank? . If you wish to tell us about a particular 
initiative or example please email a short 
paragraph containing information about the 
project/example and a web address or other 
contact details to the Irish Traveller Movement: 
Tiep@irishtraveller.org.uk 
In the nal chapter of the report we conclude by 
summarising the answers to the key questions 
posed in the preceding sections. Our responses 
to these questions are informed by a review 
of published literature and policy initiatives, 
combined with the TEIP data provided by 
interviewees.
 Finally, we provide a series of detailed policy 
recommendations which we present to 
Government, policy makers, public and private 
sector agencies as recommendations for 
eectively enhancing the social and economic 
inclusion of Gypsies and Travellers in Britain.
148
 Chapter Eleven
 Good Practice
Chapter Eleven - Good Practice 149
 Chapter Eleven
 Good Practice
 This chapter focuses on a number of ?good 
practice? examples of economic and social 
inclusion initiatives being delivered by statutory 
and third sector agencies.
 Whilst these case studies do not oer a 
denitive list of good practice, it is inevitable 
that in a study of this type and size only a small 
number of examples could be selected for 
inclusion. Thus in this section of the report a 
representative sample of initiatives are included 
from the Northern, Midlands and Southern 
regions, indicating a range of ways of engaging 
to enhance the economic inclusion of Gypsies 
and Travellers.
 The format of this chapter is as follows: a 
brief overview of each of the showcased 
organisations (divided into statutory and 
voluntary sector projects) is provided, which 
includes a summary of their main employment 
initiatives impacting on Gypsies, Roma and 
Travellers which involves proactive engagement 
with the communities in question. This 
is followed with a discussion of local and 
national policies and the ways in which these 
impact on GRT economic inclusion is then 
linked to consideration of the potential for 
?positive action? to mitigate the worst impacts 
of long-term exclusion for members of these 
communities.
 Finally a concluding precis presents how an 
?ideal type? of community organisation might 
look, and contemplates ways in which the 
emerging ?Big Society? model may potentially 
enable additional programmes and projects 
to come to fruition, eectively engaging with 
marginalised communities on a larger scale 
than heretofore.
 Statutory Sector Groups
 * Leeds Gypsy Roma Traveller Achievement 
Service http://www.grtleeds.co.uk/
 * Cambridgeshire Race Equality and Diversity 
Service http://www.cambridgeshire.gov.uk/
 education/parents/race/about/
 * Doncaster Connexions http://www.
 connexionsdoncaster.co.uk/
 * Haringey Travelling Peoples? Team http://www.
 haringey.gov.uk/travellers.htm
 Leeds Gypsy Roma Traveller Achievement 
Service (GRTAS)
 Peter Saunders, Head of Service for Leeds GRTAS 
was interviewed by TEIP. The organisation 
encompass signicant changes that have 
taken place in Traveller Education Services 
over several decades. The service has moved 
from delivering ?on-site? separatist provision 
via buses going onto sites to more strategic 
work which supports and advises a range of 
service providers including schools and training 
institutes.
 Peter described his early days in the service 
and how, after one afternoon of induction, he 
started the post:
 ?I was given the keys to a mobile vehicle, we had a 
teaching vehicle and I just got to know people by 
knocking on doors?Basically, there were about 
4-5 children in school [in Leeds area] and then no-
 one else attended school. So it was very much, ?the 
schools are here? the Travellers over there??and 
nobody was doing that linking and so that?s how 
I began?I went out onto the camps? opened 
the doors of the van and all the kids piled in. The 
kids were not getting what everyone else was 
getting, not getting what my kids were getting, a 
9-4 education in a nice environment. What they 
were getting were a couple of hours in the back of 
a van?.
 Policy and practice changes in the intervening 
decades supported by the experienced 
leadership of Peter and his team, have ensured 
that Leeds GRTAS now works on a more 
strategic level addressing what Peter describes 
as the 5 ?A?s, ensuring that pupils are supported 
in: access, achievement, ascription, aspiration 
and attendance.
 Working towards these goals involves guiding 
mainstream service providers (such as schools) 
in providing appropriate service delivery 
and supporting GRT community members 
in progressing through the various tiers of 
education (including further education).
 Gypsy, Roma and Traveller community 
members are integral to the success of this 
service delivery. Three community members 
are employed: one teaching assistant who is a 
Chapter Eleven - Good Practice 150
 Romany Gypsy and two Roma inclusion/support 
ocers. Prior to the ending of a short-term pilot 
project, funded by the Department for Children, 
Schools and Families, three other GRT sta 
members had also been employed as teaching 
assistants. The rationale for such a model of 
working (in addition to social justice) was 
three-fold: rst, to ensure sta members were 
fully culturally competent. Secondly, to ensure 
other sta were kept abreast of the needs and 
aspirations of the client group, and nally, to 
explicitly impact upon GRT perceptions of the 
service.
 ?. ..we [sta team] all meet here and we talk about 
our work, there are members of the community 
here and they inform us?they keep us on the right 
track so that we don?t kind of wander o and think 
?oh this is what the communities wants??it is really 
important to have employment opportunities 
for community members because I think that 
it impacts so positively on the community. It 
capacity builds within the community when that 
community member nishes work they talk to 
everybody else about what they are doing and 
about what our service is doing and so it spreads 
the word more?.
 Peter also stressed the importance of site 
visits and informal discussion with community 
members as a means of informing the education 
service. However, a number of TES sta (across 
all regions) feel that maintaining such contacts 
is becoming harder as a result of the policy of 
?mainstreaming? which emphasises that strategic 
support is provided to other services, rather 
than focusing on individual need. As a result, 
some education services are reducing their 
contact with sites and community members.
 The key lesson from this project is to work 
in partnership with community members in 
supporting young people into appropriate 
educational and training opportunities. 
Engagement with education for longer 
periods of time can act as a mechanism for 
delivering skills which ensure greater access 
to employment, bringing the benets of 
increased economic well-being, condence, 
independence and (wherever possible) 
accessed to enhanced bridging capital.
 Cambridgeshire Race Equality and Diversity 
Service
 The Traveller Education team in Cambridgeshire 
is part of Cambridgeshire Race Equality and 
Diversity Service (CREDS). Kim Tolley, Traveller 
Education Community Inclusion Manager, was 
interviewed for the TEIP study.
 CREDS currently employs two GRT sta as 
teaching assistants, and one other community 
member works in an outreach role. Previously, 
four community members were based within 
the service, and an explicit target exists for 
employing more GRT sta.
 One barrier to meeting this objective has 
been the lack of adequate literacy skills of 
the community members to support children 
in schools. Where this has impacted on the 
ability to recruit community sta, CREDS has 
supported GRT employees to enhance their 
skills and move into employment. This has 
been combined with adopting a creative and 
exible view of how to up-skill and validate 
sta learning, which may look beyond formal 
qualications.
 Kim noted that role specic pressures could 
exist for community sta. In some cases, schools 
could have unreasonable expectations of GRT 
support sta sometimes in breach of both 
statutory responsibilities and job descriptions:
 ???loading everything on one person - which 
some schools do with all of us - ... they think the 
Traveller Education Team do absolutely everything 
and we don?t have to do it?.
 However, despite the potentially problematic 
relationship in some working environments, 
Kim stressed the enormously positive impact on 
children of having role models from their own 
communities:
 ?Some of the Irish Traveller kids were absolutely 
amazed to see a Traveller woman in class [working 
as a teaching assistant]?.
 CREDS works exibly and collaboratively to 
raise educational aspirations of local GRT 
children and seeks to emulate the success 
of other projects. Currently they are hoping 
to build upon the work of (neighbouring) 
Suolk Traveller Education Service which has 
showcased Gypsy and Travellers? education 
and employment achievements by inviting 
Chapter Eleven - Good Practice 151
 successful GRT individuals to act as role models 
and involves them meeting with service 
providers and other community members. The 
?roads to success? event?2 has been well received 
by participants and both Suolk and CREDs sta
 value the opportunity to discuss community 
aspirations in such a forum. In particular, Kim 
recommended that the success of a service 
should be measured in part by its ability to full 
the aspirations of service users.
 A key lesson from the Cambridgeshire project 
is to explore ways of enhancing the prole 
of successful community members as a 
way of raising young peoples? aspirations 
whilst creating powerful bridging networks 
demonstrating someone remains as much ?A 
Gypsy or Traveller? as ever, while engaging with 
mainstream services.
 Doncaster Connexions
 The Connexions service provides information, 
advice and guidance (including job search 
and work-based learning support) to young 
people and in particular is aimed at supporting 
those young people who are most at risk as a 
result of being ?Not in Education, Employment 
or Training? (NEET). The statutory service was 
established in 2001 in response to the Social 
Exclusion Unit?s report ?Bridging the Gap? which 
highlighted the problems and issues faced by 
unemployed young people who lack academic 
qualications.
 The interviewee within the Doncaster based 
Connexions service was David Scott, a Personal 
Advisor with a remit for working with young 
Gypsies and Travellers. David?s post arose 
following a 2002 pilot project which highlighted 
the specic need for a dedicated Gypsy/
 Traveller sta member. Good contacts within 
the community have enabled David to tailor 
targeted and bespoke courses like the ?lads and 
dads? course where three generations of a family 
can train together in family learning orientated 
courses focused on activities such as bricklaying. 
David stressed that the strength of the service 
lies in the high level of direct contact he has 
with the community and their engagement in 
service direction. Speaking about the ?front-line? 
aspects of his role (in contrast to nding funding 
for programmes) David noted that:
 ?I meet very hard-to-reach communities. It opens 
doors it gives you access into personal
 private lives that you wouldn?t see in any other 
way...it gives you a better understanding of the 
needs of young people and adults and what 
courses they need. [Personal] contact helps resolve 
some of the concerns they have got and it leads 
into doing other things as well...it is not just about 
doing training, it is about meeting?and working 
with the whole community.?
 A key lesson from this programme is that face-
 to-face engagement with community members, 
?listening? to what is required and tailoring 
?personalised? approaches are the most eective 
ways of helping people into work or education. 
With imagination, services can deliver inter-
 generational training which supports the 
Traveller economy just as eectively as they can 
meet individual training needs which support 
young people into the ?mainstream? economy. 
Flexibility is the answer.
 Haringey Travelling Peoples? Team
 Haringey Travelling Peoples? Team (HTPT) is a 
partnership statutory service based within the 
Social Services department of Haringey Council 
and partially supported by central government 
?Supporting People? funding. A preventative and 
community oriented social work model prevails 
within the service which seeks to address Gypsy 
and Travellers? personal issues before they reach 
crisis point. As such the service acts as a rst 
point of call and a bridge between the local 
authority and the (estimated) 2,500 Travellers 
residing in the borough.
 Key project activities involve raising Traveller 
awareness of facilities and facilitating access 
to services, provision of welfare rights/drop in 
centres and joint case work and partnership 
working with other statutory and voluntary 
services. The team has also been involved in a 
number of targeted ?positive action? initiatives 
which aim to support economic inclusion.
 HTPT in partnership with other voluntary and 
statutory sector organisations (e.g. the London 
Gypsy Traveller Unit and Haringey TES) have 
organised work experience places for young 
Travellers. Another initiative, involves the 
delivery of a driving theory support group 
programme (in partnership with Haringey 
Library Services) which has assisted Travellers 
in ?getting legal? (obtaining driving licences 
to enable them to legally engage in Traveller 
economies) rather than as a route to accessing 
employment. Another, project has facilitated 
a focus group to feed into Gypsy, Traveller and 
Chapter Eleven - Good Practice 152
 other Needs Assessments. In addition, HTPT 
has worked closely with the local Connexions 
service to devise tailored information on 
training and development opportunities for 
Traveller youth.
 Michael Ridge a community social worker with 
nearly a decade?s experience in the HTPT service 
was interviewed for the TEIP project. He reports 
that Travellers are typically caught between two 
economic cultures meaning that their needs 
are often not addressed. Michael is working 
towards developing sustainable and long term 
youth projects in partnership with Connexions 
services, which will oer personalised training 
opportunities and is based on best practice 
models. It is intended that such courses will be 
developed in partnership with young Travellers 
so that they ?own? the project by participating 
in design to ensure that their needs and 
aspirations are met.
 As a community practitioner Michael is adamant 
that more recognition is required at a national 
(Government-led) policy level, to recognise the 
academic potential inherent within Traveller 
communities and which can develop where 
adequate support is available and appropriate 
models of curricula are provided. He argues 
that by following this approach, individuals 
with advanced skills and capabilities would be 
enabled to access leadership courses which 
will provide them with entry to high prole 
positions and support them in acting as role 
models and community representatives, 
thus further enhancing community cohesion 
agendas.
 The main lesson learned from the HTPT is to 
consult with communities and oer a exible 
programme which meets the needs of Gypsies 
and Travellers. Engaging in inter-agency 
networking opportunities enables coordinating 
agencies to save costs through identifying 
what is wanted by local Travellers and which 
services will actually be used. The HTPT are 
clear that where organisations work together 
with communities, not only are culturally 
appropriate services delivered but new inter-
 cultural networks are formed as part of the 
process. Through these networks, opportunities 
can arise for Gypsies and Travellers to engage 
with volunteering, access to work experience 
and training and the development of leadership 
courses which will enhance community 
cohesion and individual economic wellbeing.
 National Level Community Projects
 * Friends Families and Travellers http://www.
 gypsy-traveller.org/
 * The Irish Traveller Movement in Britain http://
 www.irishtraveller.org.uk/
 * The Traveller Times Magazine http://www.
 travellerstimes.org.uk/
 Friends, Families and Travellers
 Friends, Families and Travellers FFT) is a 
charity operating with a national remit. As 
one of the leading charities and campaigning 
bodies working with GRT in Britain, it has 
access to substantial levels of funding and is 
actively involved with a wide consortium of 
international, national and local policy agencies.
 Initially set up in 1994 to support ?new? 
Travellers, in the intervening years the focus of 
FFT has changed dramatically and it now serves 
all Gypsy and Traveller groups in Britain. Today 
over 50 percent of FFT?s work is undertaken with 
English Romany Gypsies, 30 percent with Irish 
Travellers and less than 20 percent with new 
Travellers and others e.g. Scottish Travellers and 
Roma.
 FFT is both a campaigning organisation and 
a provider of frontline health and youth 
services. The Director of FFT, Chris Whitwell was 
interviewed on behalf of TEIP. He noted that 
the casework and support services undertaken 
by the organisation have an important role in 
supporting FFT?s policy engagement:
 ?We work at national, regional and local levels. 
At local level we do case work [and] outreach, 
which is really about supporting Gypsies and 
Travellers into accessing the services that they 
need. At national level we are still very much a 
campaigning and policy inuencing organisation 
setting out how to change the agenda. ?. the 
important strength of the organisation is the way 
that the case work data that we get both at the 
local level...[via the National Helpline] where we 
pick up a lot of cases from all over the country... 
informs the policy and campaigning work. There 
is a direct relationship between the grassroots 
service provision and the strategic work that we 
are doing.?
Chapter Eleven - Good Practice 153
 After recovering from a period of funding 
diculties when the agency only employed 
three members of sta, FFT has within ve years 
stabilised and grown to an organisation with 18 
sta members, approximately half of whom are 
members of Gypsy and Traveller communities.
 The presence of such a high number of Traveller 
sta, Chris believes has had a positive impact on 
perceptions of the agency:
 ?Any structure, any organisation that proposes 
to work on behalf of a community, needs to be 
fairly representative of the community which 
it?s working on behalf of. You wouldn?t expect a 
women?s organisation to be staed by a bunch 
of men making decisions about what?s best for 
women. I guess it is the same with Gypsies and 
Travellers except that?the traditional Traveller 
community is often coming from quite a low base 
of engagement with mainstream processes.?we 
benet from having a mix of Gypsies and Travellers 
and non-Gypsies/non-Traveller sta. They learn 
from each other. Quite a lot of sta that don?t 
come from a Traveller background learn obviously 
about culture and customs of the Traveller 
community and the sta from the Traveller 
community are learning about mainstream 
processes and structures.?
 A key lesson from FFT is to recognise the way 
in which knowledge sharing between sta acts 
as a catalyst for change and provides learning 
opportunities for all parties. The processes for 
ensuring that communication between teams 
occurs and that best practice learnt in one work 
strand are carried over to another, are eective 
lessons for any voluntary or public sector 
employer.
 The Irish Traveller Movement in Britain
 The Irish Traveller Movement in Britain (ITMB) 
is a registered charity founded in 2000. In 
common with FFT, the other large national 
charity, the agency has undergone dramatic 
change in recent years, moving from having one 
employee ve years ago to the current situation 
in 2010, employing thirteen members of sta.
 ITMB is a policy based agency which has a 
strong history of supporting Irish Travellers to 
?have a voice? in public aairs. ITMB provides a 
platform for community members to articulate 
their aspirations; provides capacity building 
opportunities for community members and 
campaigns around both Traveller and other
 Gypsy/Roma policy issues. The ITMB Director 
Yvonne McNamara was interviewed on behalf of 
the TEIP project.
 Yvonne stressed that ITMB?s ?sessional worker? 
initiative has made an important contribution 
to increasing the employment experience of 
Travellers; in simultaneously supporting them 
to contribute and bring their expertise to policy 
and outreach projects. Sessional worker posts 
enable Travellers to be employed for xed-
 term periods to contribute to specic projects. 
For example, supporting and developing the 
organisation of Gypsy Roma Traveller History 
Month activities which take place each June, 
and working with the Traveller Economic 
Inclusion Project.
 Yvonne outlined the importance of sessional 
employment stating that:
 ?...by creating the sessional workers? post - where 
we know there is work which the community 
members are well capable of [doing], we oer that 
post for the community. It is about building the 
skills and the condence of being part of a team 
within an organisation and hopefully helping 
people grow so that they know that they ? can be 
sessional workers but [then] progress to full-time 
or part-time workers and eventually move up [the 
structure of the organisation]. We would employ 
people directly from the community as sessional 
workers before we would employ people from the 
settled community. The people that can do that 
job best are the community and with a little bit of 
nurturing and training there is no reason why they 
can?t deliver that particular piece of work.
 So we do apply positive action. It is important to 
help people engage, it is important for us that we 
can go down that road and use the positive action 
to try to bring the community on, to include them 
economically, to give them employment, and 
hopefully develop them out of the experience they 
gain with us.?
 Whilst the sessional worker roles have 
signicant value in enhancing the work skills of 
Traveller community members, Yvonne reported 
that the fact that ITMB is not predominantly 
a frontline service limits the on-going work 
opportunities for many community members, as 
most of the permanent posts at present which 
have been available, were at strategic level (e.g. 
Parliamentary linked policy posts) that required 
higher education levels than were currently 
Chapter Eleven - Good Practice 154
 held by the majority of Travellers working on the 
project.
 ITMB works to engage with volunteers and 
oers training and a range of opportunities, 
particularly for members of the Traveller 
community. However, Yvonne felt that the 
value of volunteering as a means to develop 
future employment has often not been 
fully recognised by community members, 
especially in relation to undertaking policy and 
?community voice? work where the results of 
contributions could be less apparent than when 
involved in delivering frontline services.
 The ITMB operates with the guidance of a 
committee of Trustees whose policy focus and 
expertise are predominantly in areas of charity, 
employment law and other related issues. 
An advisory group composed solely of Irish 
Travellers works in tandem with the Trustees 
and provides the campaigning direction to the 
organisation. This separation of responsibilities 
has been regarded as benecial by Travellers 
and other sta alike, as some activists and 
community members reported nding the 
bureaucratic demands of Trustee meetings 
frustrating and time-consuming. For Trustees, 
the demands of dealing with employment 
legislation and funding issues had meant that 
campaign activities were in danger of being 
neglected. The combination of both sets of 
committees has therefore proved benecial 
both in organizational terms and in enabling 
individual skills development.
 The key lessons from ITMB are ensuring that 
Gypsy and Traveller sta employed through 
positive action are upskilled through access to 
supported training and then equipped with 
the skills to break out of the ?glass box? (Chapter 
6) so that they can use transferable skills to 
make the transition to employment in any 
agency within the sector. Devising programmes 
and mechanisms which play to the skills and 
strengths of sta, volunteers and advisors, has 
enabled ITMB to create an ecient organisation 
which makes the best use of the knowledge and 
experience of everyone involved.
 Travellers? Times
 The Travellers? Times (TT) is a community 
based magazine, managed by the Rural Media 
Company and registered as a charity. The 
original publication was established thirteen 
years ago by Luke Clements and Rachel Morris 
of the Traveller Law Reform Unit (Cardi 
University) and initially focused on case work 
and law reform issues. In recent years, since the 
publication has come under the auspices of the 
Rural Media Company, the focus of the project 
has changed and it is now published in a ?glossy 
magazine? format as well as having an on-line 
presence.
 Whilst articles on policy and law reform are 
still important dimensions of the magazine, 
the content has broadened out signicantly 
and is now aimed at a community readership 
rather than at (as originally) lawyers and policy 
makers working with and on behalf of Gypsies 
and Travellers. The publication now consists 
primarily of articles and photographic spread 
relating to wider community interests and 
developments, for example, Gypsy and Traveller 
musicians, employment initiatives, etc. The 
magazine has a print run of 21,000 but, as the 
magazine version is distributed on sites and 
passed around within families, it is estimated 
that Travellers Times has a readership of 80,000.
 Bill Laws, Director of the magazine (who is not 
himself a Gypsy or Traveller) was interviewed 
in relation to the TEIP project. Bill reported 
that ve member of sta were from Gypsy 
and Traveller communities and that they were 
employed on both the print and on-line version 
of the magazine. Whilst it might be argued that 
the magazine?s ownership and management 
by the Rural Media Company, impacted on 
the level of community control, sta felt this 
arrangement had worked well by providing 
the magazine with the necessary expertise 
in nancial and project management which 
experienced media professionals were able to 
bring to the project. Bill noted that, over time, 
opportunities were growing for Gypsies and 
Travellers working in the arts and media as well 
as in other associated ventures. Such projects 
(e.g. touring theatre companies; specialist radio 
programmes and art exhibitions) run by and 
involving community members, also enabled 
Gypsy and Traveller artists and practitioners to 
make important contributions to the industry 
working in partnership with Travellers? Times 
across a range of mediums.
 A key lesson from the TT project is that 
signicant levels of bridging capital can be 
developed and core skills developed and 
disseminated through the processes of non-
 community members working alongside 
Chapter Eleven - Good Practice 155
 Gypsies and Travellers. In this way a symbiotic 
relationship is created between the sta. 
Gypsies and Travellers are contributing to the 
media product and learning transferable skills to 
enhance their employability and/or showcasing 
the work of other community members which 
increases overall community (bonding) capital, 
whilst media professionals are learning about 
Gypsy and Traveller communities and delivering 
a publication which is responsive to the needs 
and desires of the magazine?s readers.
 Local Community Groups
 * Derbyshire Gypsy Liaison Group 
http://www.dglg.org/
 * Cheshire Gypsy and Travellers? Voice 
http://www.travellersvoice.org/
 * Lincolnshire Gypsy Liaison Group 
http://www.lglg.co.uk
 * York Travellers? Trust 
http://www.yorktravellerstrust.org.uk/links.htm
 Derbyshire Gypsy Liaison Group
 Derbyshire Gypsy Liaison Group (DGLG) was 
formed in 1987, emerging from a ?home grown? 
community project rooted in a drive to develop 
sites in the Derby area. DGLG has an explicit 
remit of supporting equality of access to 
education and health care alongside promoting 
appropriate, community supported site 
development. The organisation was awarded 
the Queen?s Jubilee award in 2003 and in 2004 
a Home Oce award for innovative police 
training , It also hosts and coordinates the 
National Federation of Gypsy Liaison Groups.
 The Coordinator of DGLG, Siobhan Spencer 
(MBE) is a Romany Gypsy; and the organisation 
consists of a mixed Gypsy/Traveller and non-
 community member management committee. 
DGLG operates with a small team of sta, 
the majority of whom are Romany Gypsies. 
Community members are also actively involved 
in the provision of voluntary support e.g. 
developing health and education projects, 
working on the production of culturally 
appropriate books and health promotion 
materials, etc
 DGLG has gained a number of contracts for the 
provision of specialist service provision, advice 
and training from general service providers 
(e.g. health and education) who recognise the 
value of the organisation?s skills and wide-
 ranging community contacts. DGLG believe that 
access to such specialist contracts can provide 
an important source of revenue for many 
community groups if opportunities are grown 
and community skills are developed.
 One signicant economic inclusion project 
coordinated by DGLC, has the potential to 
have a trickle-down eect on both smaller 
community groups and individual Gypsies and 
Travellers. The ?training the trainers? programme, 
supports Gypsies and Travellers in developing 
and delivering cultural awareness sessions to 
service providers. The course is accredited by 
the University of Derbyshire and the award of 
university credits on completion of the course 
allows trainees to progress and gain further 
higher education qualications. The course is 
delivered by Ann Emslie, who is from the Gypsy 
community and who also played a lead role in 
designing the course.
 Siobhan notes that the course oers ?positive 
action? by targeting and tailoring the course 
for Gypsies and Travellers: thus both raising 
community members? condence and 
qualication levels whilst assisting them in 
generating income as cultural awareness 
trainers.
 A key lesson TEIP have identied from 
DGLG?s work is the importance of developing 
innovative educational opportunities for 
community members alongside opportunities 
to make money and enhance their economic 
inclusion. Training the Trainers and other 
projects e.g. acting as research assistants for 
health projects or providing cultural awareness 
training for service providers creates a relatively 
rapid nancial return for individuals and 
community groups who undertake courses as 
well as supporting participants and the wider 
Gypsy and Traveller community to recognize 
the positive outcomes of obtaining academic 
qualications. The ground-breaking nature of 
DGLG?s mentoring work is acknowledged within 
the following ?Good Practice? example.
 Lincolnshire Gypsy Liaison Group
 Lincolnshire Gypsy Liaison Group (LGLG) 
was established in 2005. The organisation is 
supported by a management committee, of 
which three quarters are Gypsy and Traveller 
Chapter Eleven - Good Practice 156
 community members. LGLG also receives 
invaluable expert support from non-community 
members. For example, the Treasurer is a 
retired tax inspector who is able to provide 
signicant levels of expertise in the provision of 
business support training oered to community 
members.
 A key gure in the organisation?s establishment 
is Ryalla Duy, coordinator of LGLG, a Romany 
Gypsy who has also worked in Traveller 
Education elsewhere in the country. Ryalla 
reported that she had found that a number of 
statutory and voluntary sector services within 
Lincolnshire required specic training to enable 
them to work with community members. In 
addition to the gap in professional knowledge 
of Gypsy and Traveller issues, LGLG found a large 
demand for advice and support from Gypsies 
and Travellers to assist them in engaging with 
service providers. Particular levels of need were 
found amongst community members who had 
literacy challenges or had experienced limited 
access to education.
 Some of the services oered by LGLG include: 
education, training advice and support 
in accessing courses, on-site nursery and 
toddler services and support and advice on 
accommodation issues. LGLG also provides 
a number of voluntary opportunities for 
community members who are able to develop 
their skills through providing administrative 
support and help in delivering presentations 
and training. A cornerstone of LGLG?s services is 
the provision of business start-up and support.
 Commenting on this service, Ryalla stated:
 ?We found many members of the Traveller 
community have been quite successful in running 
businesses not just for years but for generations. 
On an informal footing, they have done in-house 
training, in-house promotion, in-house canvassing 
for work and in-house acquisition of the job [skills] 
be it tarmacing...landscaping...roong. The basic 
skills and the ability are very denitely there within 
the community, but sometimes we found that the 
delivery of those skills and the way that they are 
doing it just hasn?t kept up with present times and 
they need a little bit of support to get the business 
up and running in 2009.
 So they will come here and we will help them 
with it. We don?t do everything here, but we can 
help them promote their business. That might 
mean advertising, it might mean going out and 
canvassing areas it might mean using things like 
the internet, the local paper, the local radio or 
doing demonstrations of work somewhere, so we 
encourage them to do that. We encourage them 
as well to fully understand the current legislation. 
So for example they would need to know about 
the cold calling areas, about the 7-day cooling 
o period and what insurance the workers might 
need to use.?
 An important aspect of the development of 
LGLG was the support provided by DGLG (see 
above). Setting up a new project involves 
signicant bureaucratic hurdles and for LGLG, 
several changes of geographical location. 
Derbyshire Gypsy Liaison Group mentored the 
development of the new project by partnering 
LGLG within a Supporting People Project. Thus 
DGLG dealt with the bureaucracy of the project, 
enabling LGLG to undertake the delivery of the 
service.
 Such partnerships are strongly recommended 
by management consultants working in third 
sector agencies (Dickinson and Glasby, 2010) 
as a means of enabling smaller groups to 
overcome the bureaucratic hurdles which can 
impede edgling organisations from receiving 
larger grants and contracts for services. Ryalla 
described the practical implications of receiving 
such expert community led support:
 ?In the end we did this in conjunction with 
Derbyshire Gypsy Liaison Group because LGLG 
hadn?t got a proven track record for handling and 
budgeting large amounts of nance. It doesn?t 
mean that we couldn?t have done it. We didn?t 
really want to manage that amount of money, 
that wasn?t the area where our expertise lay. So 
we did a... joint initiative with Derbyshire whereby 
they actually did the payrolls and the things like 
sta insurance and liability insurance. They also 
gave us help with the myriad of policies that you 
need, so that was helpful and it was also good 
to have somebody else just to ask about things 
sometimes.
 But it was also good in that we found our own 
way with things. So sometimes we would make 
mistakes, but it was OK because we learnt from 
our mistakes and sometimes we found completely 
new and innovative ways of doing things because 
we hadn?t been given this rigid template to do this 
or do that.?
 A key lesson from the LGLG project was that 
access to bonding capital creates a way of 
Chapter Eleven - Good Practice 157
 disseminating knowledge which mirrors in-
 family skills training. The partnership experience 
of working with DGLG meant that the project 
could develop in an adaptive localised manner 
whilst utilising well tried and tested skills. The 
deceptively simple but eective use of business 
skills support and training for people working 
in the Traveller Economy oers the added value 
of up-skilling community members (including 
volunteers) with knowledge which can be used 
in other contexts whilst supporting traditional 
economic practices.
 Cheshire Gypsy and Travellers? Voice
 Cheshire Gypsy and Travellers? Voice (CGTV) is 
a not-for-prot organisation which is working 
towards obtaining charitable status. Joe Hurn, 
the Chair of (CGTV) was interviewed for this 
study. Of the fteen member management 
committee of CGTV, only four are not Gypsies 
and Travellers and the Ocer posts (e.g. Chair, 
Secretary and Treasurer) are held by community 
members.
 CGTV delivers a range of support and advocacy 
projects. In common with LGLG, the most 
important economic inclusion related activity 
oered by CGTV, is the delivery of business 
support services providing advice and guidance 
to Gypsies and Travellers on registration of 
businesses, regulatory requirements and 
associated advice and support.
 This project has experienced considerable 
interest and is recognised as a model of good 
practice amongst other community groups. 
There is a high level of service uptake and Joe 
notes that CGTV is working to provide advice 
and information to other community groups to 
enable them to provide a similar service across 
the country:
 ?We would like to do that [business inclusion] 
nationally one way or another - whether we take 
the lead on it or not. Our idea was to train other 
organisations up to do what we do - because 
we have a system which works very well and 
there [are] lots of other organisations around 
the country. They can do exactly the same on the 
nancial side if they had the tools. We are in the 
position to give them the tools?. we could do 
wonders.?
 CGTV employs a number of community 
members, including an apprentice and the 
organisation hopes in the future to grow other 
paid training places where the developing 
worker can be integrated into the agency. CGTV 
employs positive action approaches when 
recruiting for sta and volunteers.
 Ethnicity, however, is not an automatic 
qualication for the post (See below under 
Positive Action). Opportunities are also oered 
for volunteering and 15-20 community 
volunteers work within the organisation. 
However, in common with Yvonne McNamara of 
ITMB (see above), Joe feels that the wider Gypsy 
and Traveller community have yet to realise the 
full value and potential of volunteering:
 ?A lot of Travellers don?t understand volunteering. 
It is such a good tool to use to get Travellers 
involved and a potential way of eventually earning 
a decent job, we say to them OK you can work in 
a factory but you could be secretary. Loads of girls 
have so many skills and it is just wasted?.
 The TEIP identied that CGTV?s emphasis on 
working with volunteers who are provided with 
training opportunities, within a supportive 
organisation, oers a fast-track to economic 
and social inclusion for community members. 
The snowballing of training lessons and 
opportunities to other Gypsy and Traveller 
community groups reects methods of 
information dissemination used within the 
traditional Traveller economy and enables 
sector-wide exibility and responsiveness 
to community needs, whilst supporting the 
development of bonded and bridging capital.
 York Travellers? Trust (YTP)
 York Travellers? Trust began life as a youth 
project, but 15 years ago, branched out to form 
a separate specialist community group oering 
advocacy and support work. In the past two 
years there has been an increasing focus on 
economic inclusion and the delivery of training.
 The coordinator of YTP, Christine Shepherd, is 
a member of the Gypsy community, as is the 
other full time worker on the sta. Sessional 
workers are employed for specic projects 
and opportunities also exist for community 
volunteers to become involved. Christine felt 
that actively involving and where possible 
employing community members, can create 
valuable role models and opportunities but 
sounded a note of caution, warning that care 
needed to be taken when applying ?positive 
Chapter Eleven - Good Practice 158
 action? in recruitment, as it is important to avoid 
tokenism:
 ?I think there are a lot of advantages [employing 
sta] coming from the community because [they] 
might not have all the skills what we need but 
we can say ?that is something that we can work 
on? and it can motivate other Travellers to do 
something else apart from cleaning.
 I just think it is sad when I hear people come in and 
say ?oh well I just do cleaning?. [However[ I know 
[that some] organisations have employed Gypsies 
and Travellers as workers [who don?t have the 
appropriate skills or who aren?t oered adequate 
training] but they done it for all the wrong reasons, 
it was like talk and gestures and it doesn?t work - 
and that?s what you?ve got to be very careful of.?
 The increasing focus on training and education 
embedded within YTP?s remit reected the 
low literacy and education levels of York 
Traveller Trust?s client group. Christine felt 
that supporting people to access courses held 
the potential to lift people out of low paid 
employment and raise their aspirations and 
economic status:
 ?This is the thinking behind it - because for 
example, single mums now - with the changing 
legislation and benets, they are really being 
pushed into work and what you?ve got to bear 
in mind, is some have never worked or been in 
employment ever, and all of a sudden they have a 
job and are clearly not ready for it? that is wrong 
to do. So you might as well give them their skills 
before encouraging them to go and get a job.
 For me I think that is an important thing as well.....
 when you speak to the women what they say 
is ?I just want to get a cleaning job? and??I 
think ?you?ve got more to oer than cleaning 
and you?ve got other skills? let?s step into that. 
I think the problem is that they?ve never been 
encouraged to actually do anything. I think [in] the 
school environment or the college environment 
the community don?t feel comfortable? but 
because this project is where they have been 
involved for many years, this is where they feel 
comfortable, this is where they feel safe. They are 
not intimidated by anything.?
 A key lesson from the YTT project is that 
developing the literacy skills and condence 
of service users through culturally appropriate 
support and the provision of relevant, non-
 threatening, community-led training and 
education, enables marginalised Gypsies and 
Travellers to take steps towards social and 
economic inclusion. The ?safe environment? 
oered to service-users, volunteers and 
sessional workers leads to increased condence 
and enhances their ability to engage with 
unfamiliar situations and avail of opportunities.
 The key theme arising from all of the examples 
and interview data utilised within this section, is 
the fundamental importance of both up-skilling 
community members to enable them to engage 
in a range of roles which are often far removed 
from ?traditional? employment practices, and 
in ensuring that such training is delivered in 
a supportive manner. Greenelds (2007) in an 
?Aim Higher? commissioned research study, 
found that participants reported that training 
delivered in a community setting, which took 
account of cultural practices and expectations, 
and which enabled Gypsies and Travellers to be 
supported by other participants from their own 
background and ethnicity, was regarded as the 
optimum learning environment.
 The examples of policy transfer, good practice 
sharing and community dissemination of skills 
detailed above, quite clearly follow this model 
and must in part account for the projects? 
success, in enhancing the economic inclusion 
and social capital networks of participants.
 Funding Issues for Third Sector/Community 
Groups
 A key nding from the interview data was that 
access to secure and on-going funding was 
a key determinant as to whether community 
groups were able to employ Gypsies and 
Travellers or run projects that could increase 
their economic inclusion through the provision 
of exible and tailored support. Where funds 
were extremely limited or ring-fenced for short-
 term or dedicated projects, a greater likelihood 
existed that skilled professionals (who may not 
be community members) would be taken on to 
undertake the core elements of project work as 
they could potentially be regarded as ?low risk? 
having already obtained a considerable level of 
experience prior to employment and requiring 
less supervision and support than an individual 
who was in the process of skills development.
 The model referred to in several case studies 
for developing ?niche? training opportunities 
involves supporting community members to 
Chapter Eleven - Good Practice 159
 access qualications and training and then 
replicating these practices in other localities 
(see above case study examples of CGTV and 
DGLG) which enables community groups to 
oer a ?package? to health authorities or other 
public sector bodies who wish to engage with 
local Gypsy and Traveller groups. The presence 
of a training/consultancy package which can 
be adapted to local conditions, backed by 
the reputation of ?core brand? agencies with a 
reputation for good practice, which validate and 
support smaller community groups (see, the 
LGLG example above) acts as a ?guarantee?, in 
encouraging funders to support agencies, who 
insist on the presence of community members 
in key roles within teams.
 As has been identied by a number of 
interviewees/within case studies, the emphasis 
on positive action (see further below) will in 
due course ensure that Gypsies and Travellers 
are able to full a full range of roles within 
agencies as their skills develop alongside 
their condence. One important outcome 
of the policy shift initiated by the previous 
(Labour) administration is demonstrated by 
the fact that less than a decade ago, only a 
very limited number of Gypsies and Travellers 
were employed by community groups. That 
number is now approaching triple gures and 
unless signicant nancial constraints occur 
(see further below, in relation to ?Big Society? 
initiatives) this appears set to continue to 
increase dramatically, (as demonstrated by 
the case studies relating to stang at national 
organisations such as FFT and ITMB). Not only 
is this trend a reection of the increased skills 
of community members (enhanced by the 
opportunities to engage in volunteering within 
agencies) and positive action in recruitment, but 
also a reection of the increased recognition by 
funders that Gypsies, Roma and Travellers are 
highly excluded groups in need of support.
 Despite this growth in funding opportunities 
for community groups and services, funding 
continues to be an issue. Whilst the developing 
?Big Society? model may well create new 
opportunities, at the time of writing, it is unclear 
how monetary restrictions may impact upon 
small groups who receive partial funding from 
local authorities or central government grants. 
Smaller community groups, even prior to recent 
spending restrictions, all report struggling to 
secure the funding they need to develop their 
organisations and run the projects as they 
would like, and thus any risk analysis must take 
account of the current nancial uncertainty.
 Most of the groups we have considered within 
the TEIP report were predominantly dependent 
on charitable funding, but Chris Whitwell 
noted that FFT had received forty percent of 
its present income from Government sources 
in recent years, enabling the organisation to 
develop and grow. He felt that the stability 
of such funding was important in clarifying 
objectives and developing policy and project 
direction, and hoped that this process would 
continue despite the change of Government in 
2010.
 Amongst some third sector groups, there was 
considerable frustration that local authorities 
were not more proactive in nancially backing 
local schemes and initiatives to support Gypsies 
and Travellers, despite the references to the 
community within local equality schemes. In 
such circumstances, it was felt that tokenism 
and a tick-box culture was enabling local 
authorities and statutory agencies to claim 
the involvement of Gypsies and Travellers in 
local projects without actually delivering on 
promises. One community group was extremely 
frustrated that Gypsies and Travellers had not 
been targeted and funded in a Local Area 
Agreement, even though Gypsies and Travellers 
were noted to be one of the largest and most 
excluded ethnic minorities in that area.
 In contrast, one local authority service provider 
noted the value of a community support 
group, in assisting them to deliver work to 
local Gypsies and Travellers. The group in that 
area had been staed by Gypsy and Traveller 
community members under local authority 
nance and management. Unfortunately, local 
authority funding constraints led to the closure 
of the project adding to the sense of exclusion 
experienced by some community members.
 It is worth noting that despite the showcasing 
of the good practice examples within this 
chapter, in a considerable number of areas 
in the country no local Gypsy and Traveller 
projects exist. This is despite the fact that 92% 
of local authorities report the presence of GRTs 
residing or passing through the locality (CRE, 
2006). To a large extent the failure to support 
the growth of such projects is a product of a 
lack of political will (see Richardson, 2007) as, if 
the opportunities aorded by equality schemes 
were utilised it would be possible to provide 
funding and capacity building support for 
Chapter Eleven - Good Practice 160
 such projects through prioritising them within 
Local Area Agreements. Thus, the absence of 
such initiatives not only denies Gypsies and 
Travellers important training and employment 
opportunities, but also access to eective 
support services which deepens the likelihood 
of economic exclusion for marginalised 
community members.
 Whilst obvious hazards therefore exist 
for smaller, localised Gypsy and Traveller 
projects, emerging opportunities also exist for 
community groups to link with local enterprise 
partnerships (see Chapter 12) which could lead 
to more secure funding for small groups, as well 
as enabling the delivery of appropriate tailored 
services which will enhance economic inclusion 
within the local area.
 In addition to being dependent upon access to 
funding, the successful establishment of new 
community groups is also heavily dependent 
on guidance and support from established 
agencies who may potentially be in a position 
to play an even greater role in supporting the 
sector with the development of the ?Big Society? 
agenda. Interviewees cited a number of key 
organisations who were involved in supporting 
and developing capacity building amongst 
community groups.
 In addition to registered charity/ independent 
grant maker/broker The Travellers? Aid Trust 
(TAT), Friends, Families and Travellers (FFT), 
National Federation of Gypsy Liaison Groups 
(NFGLG), The Irish Traveller Movement in 
Britain (ITMB) and Northern Network for 
Travelling People (NNTP) were all regarded as 
key players in the development of establishing 
organisations with a solid infrastructure. Indeed 
the last three agencies have received support 
from the Government?s ?Change Up? programme 
through the ?Capacity Builders? initiative with 
the aim of developing generic infrastructural 
support for frontline voluntary and community 
organisations and social enterprise groups. 
In addition, TAT has been active in brokering 
specialist infrastructural training and expert 
assistance through developing a network of 
charitable funders who are eager to support 
Traveller led projects.
 Despite the welcome and signicant 
improvement in funding for GRT community 
development in recent years, it remains 
questionable whether without developing 
new and innovative funding strategies (e.g. 
membership of local enterprise partnerships 
or the provision of specialist services which 
generate income) the successful community 
groups listed in this Chapter (and even less, 
the smaller community led organisations) will 
be able to sustain the degree of community 
organisation, development and enterprise 
enjoyed by many other ethnic minority groups 
should the funding climate become less 
favourable.
 The relatively small baseline of community 
groups and entrepreneurial nature of many 
GRT community activists represents a threat to 
growth which could impede the ability of third 
sector groups to increase in size and continue 
to employ a similar number of community 
employees, as compared with other similarly 
sized ethnic minority agencies. Should public/
 charitable funding decline signicantly it is 
likely (in common with the whole charitable/
 voluntary sector) that there will be a decrease 
in the number of specialist Gypsy/Traveller 
community organizations. However, with 
the enhanced skills base of many workers/
 volunteers, the potential exists for sta who are 
newly seeking work, to make the transition into 
more ?mainstream? third sector roles and bring 
their expertise in working with their community 
to other projects,
 Positive Action and the Development of 
Employment Opportunities
 We have considered a number of ways of 
enhancing employability and upskilling 
community members. One signicant way 
of ensuring that the pool of trained and 
experienced GRT community members are 
supported in accessing employment, is to 
utilise the tools of ?positive action? (see further 
Chapter 2 and above). Positive Action involves 
employers specically targeting recruitment 
and welcoming applicants from disadvantaged 
groups, as well as tailored initiatives for key 
client groups. A range of other actions such as 
specialist training, mentoring and ?championing? 
schemes, outreach work, condence building 
workshops together with identication of 
knowledge and experience of working with 
the community may also be utilised as a key 
requirement in employment selection. Each 
of the organisations selected as good practice 
models in this chapter, operate some forms 
of ?positive action? which it is believed has 
contributed to the economic inclusion of 
2 The principles behind the initiative and the title of the 
programme have also inspired the title of this report
Chapter Eleven - Good Practice 161
 individual Gypsies and Travellers as well as 
enhancing group-based opportunities.
 In many cases, the positive action initiatives 
have been developed within innovative 
projects. In turn, snowballing of information and 
inter-agency knowledge transfer has permitted 
the newly learned lessons to be developed 
and built upon, within a local context. Thus for 
example, courses such as ?training the trainers?, 
the recruitment of sessional workers, the 
development of tailored business support and 
the recruitment of Gypsy and Traveller sta have 
all become common to a number of GRT led 
organisations.
 A common factor in the recruitment policies 
of all agencies discussed above, involves 
emphasising within job descriptions the 
requirement for a high level of community 
knowledge. This pre-requisite not only enables 
the ideal candidate to ?hit the ground running? 
but also clearly advantages Gypsies and 
Travellers applicants who are likely to already 
possess a wide range of relevant skills, which 
they have developed through campaigning and 
voluntary work.
 Joe Hurn (Cheshire Gypsy and Traveller Voice) 
expressed the benets of being legally able to 
utilise positive action in recruitment processes:
 ?Everything we do is getting towards that [positive 
action]. As soon as they come through the door 
we help them with everything - from literacy to IT 
skills - just to give them a little bit extra??..what 
everyone [else] takes for granted because where 
they come from.... We won?t employ a Traveller 
person just because he is a Traveller.... if they?re t 
for it, it?s fantastic, if they are not - why aren?t they? 
[We think] ?Let?s get them some skills, let?s get them 
trained up? so they would be as equal as anybody 
else walking through the door [and] entitled for 
that job.?
 Flexibility, imagination and innovation can 
therefore contribute greatly to ?positive action? 
approaches, a stance supported by the statutory 
service providers proled who reported utilising 
exible means of recognising alternative forms 
of qualications and life-skills obtained. Many 
statutory sector agencies reported feeling 
that such was the disadvantage of young 
Gypsies, Roma and Travellers that access onto 
mainstream courses and training was not always 
as practical as oering a rst stage supported 
placement.
 In response to the low level of academic skills 
of many clients and potential sta, Leeds 
GRTAS utilised the ability to oer exible 
educational provision which is common to 
TES and Connexions services and developed 
a course designed for those who have been 
alienated from the education system - the 
?Futures Programme?. The training was based 
on the pedagogical practices of Paolo Friere 
and built upon a similar course developed by 
Pavee Point in Dublin. The ?Futures Programme? 
promoted interactive student-centred learning 
activities which, in addition to opportunities 
to improve literacy skills, involved video 
production, photography and dimensions of 
self-development. The course was marketed as 
targeted at Gypsy and Traveller young people 
but is also intended to act as a ?stepping stone? 
into mainstream education and training.
 David Scott of Connexions outlined the 
importance of engaging with cultural practices 
in order to support young people into 
education:
 ?....the community don?t t into the everyday 
settled remit of ....?you?ve got to do 38 weeks 
in a college? .. when you are from the Traveller 
community you go away, you have other things 
that are your priority. [The course] It is tting 
it in within their lifestyle pattern and their 
cultural beliefs as well. It is targeted, it is helping 
mainstream providers and schools to be more 
adaptable and exible in their approach and 
[access to] funding does help because you can set 
it up around the community?s needs, it does work.?
 Whilst this particular programme has 
been tailored to assist young people and 
specically designed to act as a bridge to 
mainstream provision the potential exists 
to develop such projects for adult learners. 
A recent initiative developed in partnership 
between Buckinghamshire New University 
and Buckinghamshire Primary Care Trust and 
funded by the Buckinghamshire Community 
Foundation has provided Gypsy women in the 
locality with the initial skills sets to work as 
community health advocates, utilising just such 
a exible approach to supporting learners and 
developing training materials which do not 
require high levels of literacy.
 Despite the success of such specialist 
training and educational programmes, some 
practitioners and community members remain 
concerned about the sustainability of such an 
approach. David Scott (Doncaster Connexions) 
was sensitive to the danger of targeted 
Chapter Eleven - Good Practice 162
 measures encouraging separatism and thus 
possibly perpetrating inequalities, warning that 
care was needed to ensure on-site or provision 
which is not integrated is temporary and merely 
a stepping stone to mainstream provision. 
Additionally, Kim Tolley (CREDS), whilst 
applauding innovative approaches to economic 
inclusion and the recognition that community 
needs had to inform project development 
remained sceptical of the ability of many 
statutory and mainstream services to work 
in such innovative ways, citing the nancial 
and workload pressures which constrain such 
specialist targeted initiatives.
 In contrast, some community activists are 
relatively optimistic that new opportunities 
will emerge within the developing Big Society 
agenda, suggesting that the emphasis on 
partnership, community enterprise and 
innovation may enable traditional Traveller skills 
associated with ?identifying a market? to come 
to the fore, and free up Traveller entrepreneurs 
to develop new social enterprises and training 
opportunities.
 Since the election of the Coalition Government 
in Summer 2010 forward thinking Gypsy and 
Traveller entrepreneurs and groups have already 
begun to consider the opportunities aorded 
by the new policy emphasis and to discuss 
the potential for developing social enterprise 
run Gypsy/Traveller sites; engaging with new 
models of co-operatively owned community 
land trusts providing work/living space (CLTs 
see further in Chapter 12); the opportunities 
aorded for engaging with local enterprise 
partnerships and the development of credit 
unions to support and nance Gypsy and 
Traveller employment ventures.
 Whilst economic opportunities and constraints 
are likely to change considerably in the months 
ahead, requiring innovation and exibility on 
the part of community groups who wish to 
develop new projects. However, analysis of the 
key elements of good practice highlighted by 
community activists and utilised within self-
 sustaining and eective agencies has enabled 
TEIP to develop a ?blue-skies? model of a self-
 sustaining ?ideal type? community group which 
we present below:
 A Model Community Group
 Whilst individual and localised models will 
require exibility and tailoring of certain 
elements to meet community needs and 
the existing skills base within the service, 
it is suggested that successful local Gypsy, 
Roma, Traveller community groups may (in 
the future) incorporate some or all of the 
following features, which include provision for 
employment opportunities as well as access to 
skills development and business support for 
volunteers and sta alike:
 Governance
 Trustees ? minimum of 50 percent from the GRT 
community OR an advisory group composed 
primarily of community members which focuses 
on broad strategic decisions and campaign 
decisions working in partnership with a 
?professionalised? Board of Trustees.
 Services
 Policy activities and ?Community Voice? activities 
as well as direct welfare/economic/training 
services including:
 * Business Support in association with Business 
Links.
 * Welfare Support (helplines/ case work)
 * Development of Partnership agreements with 
statutory service providers providing outreach/
 mediation and support for the Jobcentre, 
health services, Traveller Education Service, 
Connexions, local training and education 
institutions. The provision of consultation and 
research based (primarily) on local authority 
planning issues and race and economic equality 
duties.
 * Direct service provision e.g. training run from a 
social action centre.
 The above would be mapped out in local area 
agreements and compacts.
Chapter Eleven - Good Practice 163
 Sta
 * At least 50 percent Gypsy, Roma, Traveller sta 
(recruited through positive action initiatives).
 * Sta development would be oered to 
address education and skills gaps and to 
support possible progression to management 
roles through specically designed training 
course.
 Volunteers
 * Structured and rewarded volunteering 
opportunities based on a written volunteering 
contract and regularly reviewed policy ? leading 
to skills progression and eventual employment
 Funding
 * A mix of local (reected in local area 
agreement) and central Government nance 
provided in response to the services provided 
(e.g. via Central Departments responsible for 
Education, Oce of Civil Society, Communities 
and Local Government and the Department of 
Work and Pensions).
 * Charitable donations
 * Self-generated income through service 
provision and social enterprise.
 Conclusions - Opportunity and Constraint: 
Personalisation and the Big Society
 This report has been produced against a 
backdrop of profound political and economic 
change which is likely to impact signicantly on 
the opportunities available to both members of 
?mainstream? society and even more so, those at 
the margins of economic inclusion. The proles 
of good practice within statutory and voluntary 
sector agencies explored within this chapter 
reveal both the profound changes that have 
taken place in the last thirty years, and also, 
the developing potential for community based 
employment driven by the growth of positive 
role models and available economic inclusion, 
education and training support opportunities.
 Throughout this research, community groups 
have stressed the importance of positive 
action and exibility in designing strategies 
to raise economic and social inclusion for 
Gypsies and Travellers. An ever present theme 
has been the emphasis on the key dynamic in 
successful engagement ? that of community 
involvement in the delivery and design of 
services. Although certain lessons can be drawn 
from studies of the economic development of 
other minority groups, much still remains to 
be learnt in relation to GRT economies and the 
interplay between dierent populations and 
elds of endeavour. However, the knowledge 
base pertaining to the evolving eld of GRT 
economic development is beneting from the 
increased dissemination and sharing of good 
practice by the pioneering groups featured 
above.
 However, it is self-evident that the development 
of economic opportunities via the auspices of 
community projects, are hostages to fortune 
within the current scal climate. Many of 
the innovative developments within third 
sector agencies are in tune with policies of 
?personalisation? which are being promoted 
by Central Government with the intent of 
improving both service levels and targeted 
responses to client groups. Acton (1997) argues 
that Gypsies and Travellers are the ultimate 
bricoleurs,
 gathering and gaining knowledge from each 
new set of circumstances they encounter. In 
responding to changing policy approaches 
and opportunities (not least those which 
will arise from the Coalition Government?s 
advocacy of a model of a ?Big Society? where 
community groups are to be given a central role 
in addressing the needs of their communities), 
it is likely that innovative community groups 
working in partnership with Gypsy and Traveller 
entrepreneurs will be able to maximise the 
advantages which they have so painstakingly 
gained in recent years. However, (as considered 
within the following chapter) certain pitfalls 
and hurdles may need to be overcome, in order 
that relatively ?youthful? Gypsy and Traveller 
led projects may safely negotiate the newly 
evolving terrain of rolled-back statutory sector 
provision and expectations of community 
service delivery within a climate of economic 
constraint.
Chapter Twelve
 Policy and Practice: Recommendations and Conclusions
Chapter Twelve - Policy and Practice: Recommendations and Conclusions 165
 Chapter Twelve
 Policy and Practice: Recommendations 
and Conclusions
 The preceding chapters have explored 
the changing nature of, and challenges to, 
Gypsy and Traveller employment patterns, 
considering the function of social capital 
and existing organisational ?good practice? 
initiatives on nancial inclusion. In addition we 
have considered the impacts on ?traditional? 
and ?innovative? work practices of access to 
accommodation and educational opportunities 
and examined how this has changed across the 
generations.
 Within this concluding chapter the research 
ndings and current interlocking policy debates 
are drawn together to posit answers to the 
series of questions posed at the beginning of 
the report. We undertake this exercise with 
the intent of enabling a conversation to occur 
in relation to how the impacts of decades of 
deepening social exclusion can be mitigated 
through positive action and the tailored 
expansion of existing initiatives.
 The chapter concludes with a summary of 
recommendations (some of which are easily 
initiated whilst others involve more ?blue-skies? 
thinking and detailed responses and long-term 
planning) which can be embedded into policy 
documents to continue the discussion on Gypsy 
and Traveller economic inclusion across a range 
of domains.
 Key Questions
 * How have some Gypsies and Travellers 
achieved economic success?
 * What is the inuence and importance 
of individual and group traits (e.g gender, 
age, educational participation, types of 
accommodation occupied and access to 
dierent types of social networks) on the 
likelihood of economic inclusion?
 * How do Gypsies and Travellers dene ?success??
 The TEIP has found that for some interviewees 
?traditional? Traveller employment practices 
continue to oer a viable means to secure 
economic success (e.g. through expanding on 
scrap metal or building/gardening work; or 
branching out into new forms of ?traditional? 
enterprise). Where this type of activity has 
been followed successfully, it has allowed some 
interviewees to develop lucrative businesses. 
People engaged in these types of economic 
activity are typically able to access close 
networks where bonding capital and family 
connections support their ability to remain 
self-employed. We have identied however that 
access to stable accommodation is virtually a 
prerequisite to enjoyment of nancial success 
within this model of economic engagement.
 Utilising their unique economic and cultural 
organisations to engage with the ?Traveller 
economy? Gypsy and Traveller families who are 
nancially successful within this employment 
mode have forged a way of life that is to a 
degree autonomous and distinct from the 
modern ?market economy?; engaging with an 
economic model that provides families with a 
degree of self-control and independence which 
is often not evident in waged employment. 
Such is the value placed on the retention of 
traditional (in some cases ?conservative? see 
further Acton, 1974) lifestyles, within the 
Gypsy and Traveller communities, that even 
if in ?mainstream? terms many individuals and 
families working in the Traveller economy 
may not appear to have achieved signicant 
economic success, the ability to retain a 
traditional yet secure (sited, caravan-dwelling) 
way of life and earn enough money to support a 
family with relative ease, is regarded as a marker 
of success, conferring signicant cultural capital 
(Greenelds, 2010) amongst the families who 
are able to full such commonly held aspirations 
(see further, Chapters 4 and 8).
 Despite the tendency for ?traditional? Gypsies 
and Travellers to report such aspirations (see 
further Greenelds, 2008 for a discussion 
of adolescent boy?s career preferences), 
conceptions of success are shifting and 
acculturating so that the ?gold standard? is no 
longer pure or semi-nomadism and a small 
business, but also encompasses the attainment 
of relevant training/education and access to 
new forms of capital or business opportunities. 
To what extent this new model will supplant 
traditional conceptions of success is likely to 
depend on whether interactions with wider 
?mainstream? society and institutions are found 
to be positive and fruitful.
 However, the contraction of the Traveller
 economy cannot be ignored and for some 
community members, brings declining incomes 
Chapter Twelve - Policy and Practice: Recommendations and Conclusions 166
 which are interpreted as a sign of both cultural 
and economic failure. The continual decline 
of ?traditional? economic opportunities, when 
not oset by skills development and measures 
directed at innovative revival of work practices 
which exploit the strength of the ?bonding? 
capital within the community, may (as argued 
elsewhere in this report), lead to signicant 
cultural changes that many Gypsies and 
Travellers would argue are detrimental to their 
identity and survival.
 For interviewees who have stepped outside 
of the ?traditional? Traveller Economy and who 
have entered into waged employment, this 
transition has frequently presented signicant 
cultural challenges and thrown up barriers 
to progression e.g. literacy diculties or the 
absence of a lengthy CV which demonstrates 
no gaps in education or employment history. 
Interviewees in community roles had been 
especially successful at adapting to new work 
environments and have greatly enhanced the 
eectiveness of the projects in which they are 
employed.
 Across the sample, perhaps the clearest 
changes and innovations have taken place in 
relation to gender and economic roles and 
activities, reected in a movement towards 
wage labour within the formal employment 
sector for women. Indications exist to suggest 
that some women have made the transition 
because of concerns over the viability of 
traditional Traveller economies. In terms of 
gender roles, there is still some evidence of 
cultured employment restrictions but these 
appear to be in transition, aording women 
greater opportunities to develop and create 
new economic roles. This cultural innovation in 
response to changing circumstances reects the 
integral exibility of Gypsy and Traveller cultures 
(and also changing practices common to other 
communities or localities where men had been 
employed predominantly in declining manual 
trades) which has a history of eective response 
to external pressures. For some women who 
have taken their rst steps into waged labour 
the transition has proved extremely satisfying, 
even when externally they would appear to 
be employed in low income and relatively low 
skilled employment elds. The TEIP would 
however argue that it is essential to provide 
improved training opportunities so that for 
those people who wish to expand their work 
opportunities, a progression can be made from 
relatively unskilled work (which can thus be 
used as a ?stepping stone?) to greater economic 
inclusion and the acquisition of other cultural, 
social and economic capitals (Bourdieu, 1986).
 However, positive change is not just a question 
of personal agency. That is, determination 
and ambition are hugely important, but 
success is also a matter of the opportunity and 
equality that wider society is willing to aord 
to members of these minority groups. For 
many talented individuals discrimination has 
blocked entry into new economic activities. 
The TEIP found that discrimination based on 
address and ethnicity was most pronounced 
for Gypsies and Travellers living on sites and 
who were trying to secure work in waged 
employment. Evidence of discrimination was 
most evident in the education system where 
55% of G/IT interviewees reported that they had 
experienced racism.
 Long-term impacts of discrimination impact 
on access to services but also the trust and 
condence that Gypsies have in the wider 
community and ease they might feel at 
attending a literacy skills class; discussing future 
prospects with a job seekers? advisor or entering 
a new workplace. Changes in public perceptions 
of Gypsies and Travellers, together with more 
open services, will have a key impact on the 
economic and social prospects of Gypsies and 
Travellers. The TEIP team believe that greater 
awareness by the general public of the broad 
variety of roles performed by Gypsies, Roma and 
Travellers will do much to challenge negative 
stereotypes and contribute towards enhanced 
levels of community cohesion.
 Ethnic groups are not rigid entities. The 
boundaries that separate them from outsiders 
and conrm identity for members are 
constantly being reinterpreted and remade 
(Hall, 1991). Despite change and acculturation, 
cultural dierences can persist alongside 
inter-ethnic contact and interdependence. 
Thus it was evident from the nding of the 
Traveller Economic Inclusion Project that some 
interviewees could adapt and innovate in life 
strategies yet still ascribed strongly as Gypsies 
and Travellers. For others though, the mistrust, 
fear and rejection of mainstream society, has 
also contributed to the preservation of Gypsy 
and Traveller cultural identity. The Traveller 
Economic Inclusion Project indicates that Gypsy 
and Traveller identity may be in a state of ux 
and reorientation. Dramatic change in economic 
opportunities and restrictions on nomadism 
Chapter Twelve - Policy and Practice: Recommendations and Conclusions 167
 have prompted or compelled some working in 
this employment sector to take new directions 
or exist in social environments that are new and
 challenging. Levels of discrimination and racism 
and the success of those that adopt traditional 
life strategies or new and innovative strategies 
will determine which direction a greater 
number of this community take in terms of 
choice of economic activity, participation in 
education and training and business support. 
However, eective and inclusive change 
and adaptation needs to be freely chosen 
and negotiated. This report has argued that 
imposed change in the past has been counter-
 productive. Indeed such enforced attempts at 
assimilation have often been actively resisted, 
by accentuated ?distancing?, leading to the lack 
of trust which has impacted so negatively in 
the levels of interaction with wider society and 
uptake of key services such as education.
 As has been evidenced throughout the report, 
bonding social capital has helped to sustain 
the Traveller Economy with in-family training 
acting as a source of self-help in the face of 
acute exclusion. Those who subscribe to a 
?communitarian? discourse suggest that strong 
forms of social capital centred on families 
can create social cohesion and increase social 
inclusion (Etzioni, 1993). However, critics 
argue that such coping mechanisms cannot 
overcome the exclusion caused by an unequal 
distribution of resources. At best, social capital 
operationalised through self-help networks, can 
only mitigate the negative eect of exclusion 
for the marginalised, with such networks in 
themselves not posing a major challenge 
to cycles of poverty (Smith, 2005). The TEIP 
would concur with this point and whilst 
acknowledging the strength of bonding social 
capital would emphasise that it cannot in itself 
overcome exclusion and the problems outlined 
in this report. Hence there is a need for major 
policy interventions and new partnerships.
 Key Questions
 * To what degree have Gypsies and Travellers 
been assisted by current policies
 * Where can policies be reformed or 
appropriately implemented to facilitate greater 
economic inclusion?
 The TEIP report was written during a period 
of dramatic policy change brought about by 
the formation of a Coalition Government in 
the summer of 2010. In the following section 
the TEIP assesses the impact of the previous 
Labour government?s policies on increasing 
social exclusion amongst Gypsies and Travellers 
and seeks to evaluate the impact of new and 
emerging Coalition Government policy. To 
frame this discussion we explore the context 
of inequalities experienced by Gypsies and 
Travellers and the equalities legislation which 
may hold the potential to increasing social and 
economic inclusion for these groups.
 Equalities Issues
 The TEIP found high levels of discrimination 
against Gypsies and Travellers in the workplace 
and amongst the community with 78% of the G/
 IT sample stating they had experienced racism. 
The Equality Act (2010) which arms public 
bodies? duty to deliver equality in services and 
prohibits discrimination in employment was 
acclaimed by Labour politicians as an eective 
tool for delivering change and supporting 
the inclusion of all marginalised communities 
and individuals. The Coalition Government 
has armed its support for this legislation 
(BBC, 3rd July 2010) enacting the legislation 
after they came to power. Despite this broad 
cross-party support, pressure groups have 
expressed concern that the Act will replace the 
specic duties on race (e.g the Race Relations 
Act Amendment 2000) and will enable public 
bodies to set their own equality agendas and 
objectives. The Black Manifesto has stated that 
the imposition of the single equalities duty is 
therefore a regressive step and believes that 
the specic race equality duties should be 
retained (BM, 2010). For the provisions of the 
Single Equality duty to be eective, strong 
monitoring mechanisms will need to be in place 
with increased prospects of prosecution for 
non-compliance. Here the Equality and Human 
Rights Commission will have an important 
role to play which, if it is to protect Gypsies, 
Roma and Travellers, will warrant greater 
levels of engagement and dialogue with GRT 
communities and a more proactive enforcement 
role.
 To meet this anticipated challenge a coalition 
of race groups have called for a statutory 
committee on race to be established within 
the EHRC to ensure a stronger focus on race 
equality and to develop a business plan for 
government on race issues (BM, 2010). Traveller 
groups have supported this call and stressed 
Chapter Twelve - Policy and Practice: Recommendations and Conclusions 168
 the importance of Traveller representation 
on such a committee (ITMB, 2007). The TEIP 
supports these recommendations believing 
that such engagement would create greater 
equality between race and other domains of 
exclusion (e.g. gender and disability) which have 
been accorded greater institutional inuence 
through discrete structures within the EHRC. 
In addition as the TEIP has argued throughout 
this report, eective policy engagement 
necessitates community ?buy in? with minority 
groups identifying and believing that they have 
the ability to shape policies and thus achieve 
empowerment.
 Data Monitoring for Equalities Purposes
 An important lever for the promotion of 
equalities is access to accurate data on the 
nature and zones of location of exclusion and 
discrimination. As we have repeatedly noted 
(see further Appendix A) Gypsies, Roma and 
Travellers are absent from key administrative 
datasets, for example the Labour force survey; 
or information on take-up to Benets.
 One mechanism for remedying this lack 
of information used in other contexts, has 
been the use of ?booster surveys? which focus 
explicitly on the experiences of minorities 
as well as conducting wider and more 
mainstream surveys. We would recommend 
that ?booster surveys? are used to explore the 
specic circumstances of GRT communities 
in relation to economic inclusion. This 
?invisibility? of Gypsies, Roma and Travellers is 
widespread, and thus, for example, when the 
Small Business Service (which is supported by 
the Department for Business and Innovation 
Skills) carried out a survey of ethnic minority 
businesses (Whitehead et al, 2006) it did not 
include Gypsies and Travellers as a survey 
category despite the prevalence of members of 
these communities working as self-employed 
tradespeople. The TEIP has also identied that 
Gypsies and Travellers are not included in ethnic 
monitoring categories by other key agencies 
such as Business Links, further education 
institutions or Jobcentre Plus.
 Accordingly the TEIP would argue that that 
there is an urgent need for booster surveys 
to be undertaken which include RGT people, 
and for robust ethnic monitoring exercises to 
be undertaken by employers which include 
Gypsies Roma and Travellers as a compulsory 
category. The inclusion of Gypsies and Travellers 
in the 2011 census is to be welcomed but 
historic levels of racism and resultant reticence 
by some respondents in relation to revealing 
their identity may weaken the impact and 
relevance of ndings.
 The EHRC report on the Equality Measurement 
Framework (EHRC, 2010) has considered 
whether it is indeed practical to include Gypsies 
and Travellers in mainstream datasets because 
of the distinct dierences in their lifestyles and 
experiences as well as the relatively small size of 
communities. The EHRC has instead concluded 
that specically focused research (promoted 
and supported by the Commission) will be 
required (EHRC, 2010). The TEIP team endorses 
this proposal and urges that such booster 
surveys are undertaken as a matter of urgency.
 Socio- Economic Duties within the Act and 
Supporting Economic Inclusion
 The socio-economic duty within the Single 
Equality Act  which the Coalition Government 
has decided not to implement required public 
authorities with strategic duties to consider 
the impact of socio-economic disadvantage 
when planning and monitoring their services 
(Guardian, 17th November, 2010). The TEIP 
is disappointed that this duty will not be 
introduced as believe that it would  force 
statutory bodies to inevitably pay greater 
attention to the economic and social exclusion 
suered by Gypsies, Roma and Travellers.  
Nevertheless it is hoped that over time, there 
will be greater Governmental policy around 
the domains of economic exclusion and 
potentially the development and delivery of 
targeted initiatives by agencies such as the 
Department for Work and Pension. At a more 
localised level, (and subject to political goodwill, 
it is hoped that authorities may  prioritise 
policies which increase Gypsy and Traveller 
economic inclusion, reecting this concern for 
economic well-being in local area agreements 
which specically refer to the needs of GRT 
minorities. At the regional/local level Regional 
Development Agencies/Local Enterprise 
Partnerships could be a vehicle to develop 
general economic proles (and targeted 
initiatives for) Gypsies and Travellers in their 
regions.
Chapter Twelve - Policy and Practice: Recommendations and Conclusions 169
 We had noted (Chapter Four) that the existing 
nine English RDA/Business Links have to 
date paid virtually no attention to Gypsy 
and Traveller issues, the proposed regional 
economic proles could draw on data 
obtained from GTANAs or through conducting 
supplementary surveys to identify the needs 
of GRT populations. CLG guidance on GTANAs 
is shortly to be revised (CLG, [correspondence] 
2010) oers the potential to provide greater 
encouragement and advice on the topics 
to be included in such surveys, or to make 
recommendations that supplementary research 
should be carried out on areas relevant to 
economic inclusion (see further Appendix B).
 We would note however, that as with GTANAs, in 
order to successfully obtain data on the subject 
of socio-economic inclusion GRT community 
support will be required and this is likely to be 
dependent upon community involvement in 
data collection and interpretation (CLG, 2007), 
albeit that trust in the outcomes of such surveys 
has anecdotally been severely diminished 
as a result of the abolition of targets for site 
provision under regional special strategies.
 Resourcing Equality actions ? the need for 
political commitment
 Centuries of persecution and neglect (Mayall, 
2001) have combined to cause acute exclusion 
for GRT minorities and a level of collective 
trauma (Richardson and Ryder, 2010) which 
has left a deep legacy of mistrust and anxiety. 
As evidenced throughout this report some 
community members have responded by 
distancing themselves from mainstream society. 
For these community members, profound 
social dislocation has left a growing legacy 
of economic exclusion but also low levels of 
civic engagement; poor access to services and 
diminished life chances reected in the lowest 
levels of educational achievement and highest 
mortality rates in British society (CRE 2006). It 
has been argued that the exclusion experienced 
by GRT people is similar in nature and degree 
to that endured by Aborigines and Native 
Americans (Cemlyn et., al., 2009).
 It is self-evident that concrete measures are 
required to reverse the deeply entrenched 
discrimination and exclusion chronicled within 
this report.. As we have highlighted, important 
inclusion initiatives are already emerging from 
amongst Gypsy Roma and Traveller community 
organisations and many of the solutions 
to exclusion can also be found within the 
communities. However, in order to activate the 
potential inherent within the GRT communities, 
access to resources and, structural and policy 
change are required. That abundant social, 
cultural and economic capital exists within 
Gypsy Roma and Traveller communities is self-
 evident, as evidenced by the vibrant initiatives 
considered within this report.
 In Chapter One we explicitly rejected the 
(popular media-advanced) argument that Gypsy 
and Traveller social exclusion is a product of 
inherent moral aws within the population 
(the moral underclass discourse - MUD). Within 
this concluding chapter we propose that the 
social integrationist discourse model (SID) 
which advocates skills development alone 
as a response to exclusion is also unlikely to 
adequately address the depth of exclusion 
experienced by many members of these 
communities. Accordingly we advocate the 
use of a mixed model, comprising support 
for culturally appropriate community-driven 
economic and educational activities and 
entrepreneurial social enterprise, perhaps 
delivered through local enterprise partnerships 
alongside a Government-supported 
emphasis on policy initiatives which seek 
to address skills short-falls; reduce welfare 
dependency; enhance access to appropriate 
accommodation and economic activities and 
increase educational attainment amongst GRT 
populations. We propose moreover that with 
adequate infrastructural support and access to 
resources the network of existing and emerging 
GRT community groups will be well placed to 
support their peers in accessing services and 
achieving inclusion in a way which fullls the 
?vision? of the coalition government?s Big Society 
agenda.
 Accommodation
 As has been considered within Chapter 8 
access to secure accommodation (whether 
sited or, for those who so desire, in housing) is 
an important contributing factor to economic 
success, providing Gypsies and Travellers with 
the stability to develop their businesses or 
to seek employment in the waged sector as 
well as enabling access to education, training 
and essential health services. The centrality of 
secure accommodation to ?success? across many 
domains cannot be over-emphasised as an 
eective mechanism for supporting individuals 
to engage in economic, cultural and social 
Chapter Twelve - Policy and Practice: Recommendations and Conclusions 170
 activities rather than becoming dependant on 
welfare benets and/or socially isolated..
 Policies and initiatives put in place by the 
previous Government have been widely 
regarded as oering the potential to deliver 
much needed sites and address the national 
shortage although there had been much 
criticism of the pace of delivery (CLG Task 
Group, 2007) and lack of (local) political will 
(Richardson, 2007). Amongst many Gypsies and 
Travellers (particularly those who are activists) 
there is a fear that recent reforms to these 
policies which remove regional targets and 
promote localism by allowing local authorities 
to determine provision (CLG, 28th August, 2010) 
will cause further delay to pitch delivery and 
will reduce the number of sites constructed 
(Avebury et al, 2010). Recent Government 
announcements have however indicated that 
local authorities are to be oered incentives to 
deliver new Traveller sites, through the ?new 
homes bonus scheme?, and grant funding for 
local authorities to deliver new sites will resume 
in 2011, (Hansard, 27th October, 2010 written 
answers, House of Lords) mitigating some 
concern, although as yet, it is not possible to 
quantify the extent and pace of delivery.
 The TEIP has argued that there is potential 
for huge economic and social gains where 
increased site provision occurs. Not only may 
extended Gypsy and Traveller families benet 
from a wave of site construction, thus gaining 
security and stability in their lives and the 
freedom to focus on economic activities, but 
such site development also holds the potential 
to deliver employment to community members 
in the construction, development and site 
management industries. In chapter six the TEIP 
illustrated that a number of Gypsy and Traveller 
social entrepreneurs already possess the skills 
and experience to perform such roles and that 
(see Chapter Eleven) training and development 
opportunities will increase the pool of 
individuals with such abilities.
 In relation to delivery of accommodation 
these opportunities could be facilitated by 
the Homes and Communities Agency (HCA). 
The Agency is now responsible for the Gypsy 
and Traveller Site Grant that funds new social 
rented sites as well as helping to pay for the 
refurbishment of existing social rented sites. 
The HCA 2009 funding guidelines state that the 
Agency wishes to encourage the development 
of innovative solutions for site provision 
that could help: speed up delivery, improve 
standards and value for money, and provide 
better outcomes. Accordingly the potential 
exists within the programme to encompass a 
wide range of schemes and radical approaches 
to procurement and delivery, using public 
funding to facilitate the development of self-
 build and low cost owner occupied sites. The 
emphasis within the HCA guidelines is to 
encourage organisations to be proactive, and to 
work with the Gypsy and Traveller community 
to develop innovative schemes, a process 
which some projects identied within the TEIP 
are exceptionally well situated to undertake. 
The HCA believes such schemes could assist in 
meeting demand from Gypsies and Travellers to 
own their own homes (see further Chapter 8 for 
a summary of TEIP ndings on this topic), where 
the cost of achieving this aspiration is otherwise 
prohibitive. As well as potentially utilising the 
building skills of some members of the Gypsy 
and Traveller community, such schemes would 
provide better value for money than social 
rented provision (HCA Guidelines, 2009).
 The TEIP suggests that some Gypsies and
 Travellers may wish to form themselves into 
co-operatives or Community Land Trusts 
(CLTs) which are locally-based not-for-prot 
organisations that own land and property in 
trust for the benet of a dened community.
 CLTs are increasingly recognised as one possible 
means of overcoming the widespread problems 
of social exclusion and unaordable housing 
caused by escalating land values in the UK. As 
well as ensuring long-term aordability, CLTs 
also encourage active citizenship by giving 
local people collective control of decisions in 
relation to land and assets (Community Land 
Trust website). One recent GTANA (forthcoming 
Richardson et, al., 2010) in which TEIP members 
participated found considerable interest in the 
concept of CLTs, from localized New Traveller 
populations who considered themselves well 
equipped to administer such a scheme and 
familiar with notions of cooperatively owned 
assets. If CLTs become more widely developed 
the growth of such collectively owned land is 
likely to be another factor which will propel 
further formalisation of the ?Traveller Economy? 
through facilitating the preference for home 
ownership with access to workspace whilst 
overcoming the obstacles which the TEIP noted 
were hindering Gypsies and Travellers from 
securing credit for home ownership.
Chapter Twelve - Policy and Practice: Recommendations and Conclusions 171
 Given the number of sites that need to be built 
it is surprising that to date so few Gypsy and 
Traveller social entrepreneurs and community 
groups have looked at the economic and social 
opportunities of site development (see further 
Chapter 11). However, with the recent increase 
in community members who have undertaken 
professional training in accommodation 
issues such as the BTEC in site management 
(see Chapter 9) and the willingness of social 
enterprise organisations to develop training 
and share expertise within this area (see further 
Chapter 11) a growing potential exists for this 
eld of community-managed and delivered 
enterprise. Thus the TEIP recommends that 
the Homes and Communities Agency needs 
to develop more targeted initiatives through, 
for example, a toolkit which provides ongoing 
advice and support to accelerate this process 
and specialist training. Similarly, reputable 
nancial lenders (including credit unions 
which could be supported by successful Gypsy, 
Traveller and Showmen business people) need 
to be encouraged by Government agencies 
to recognise the potential economic power of 
the communities and to consider supporting 
Gypsies, Travellers and Showmen (who are also 
in need of additional accommodation provision, 
see further Greenelds et. al., 2007) in accessing 
funding to develop sites.
 Education
 Within this report we have demonstrated that 
access to education and skills are (inevitably) 
a major contributor to economic success 
both in mainstream economic practices and 
within traditional occupations. We commend 
the Coalition Government?s pledge to create 
a pupil premium where schools will receive 
extra payments for pupils from disadvantaged 
backgrounds, money which can then be used 
at the school?s discretion (Cabinet Oce, 2010). 
In theory such monies can be used to ?buy in? 
extra services from Traveller Education Services, 
employ teaching assistants and devise targeted 
and tailored strategies to increase educational 
inclusion for Gypsies and Travellers, however 
at the time of writing details of this proposal 
remain unclear. We do however have some 
signicant reservations over the impact of 
the decit reduction measures announced in 
October 2010, which will have a signicant 
impact on the funding of local government. 
Concerns have been raised that such income 
reduction measures will act to the detriment of 
Traveller Education Services and may accelerate 
the reported trend of redundancies and a failure 
to ll vacancies (Ryder and Cemlyn, 2010). The 
emphasis on mainstreaming of educational 
provision rather than delivering Traveller-
 specic services may also impact negatively on 
maginalised community members? ability to 
enter into and be supported within education, 
in the light of the ndings detailed in Chapter 9
 As part of the ?Big Society? agenda the 
Government is actively encouraging 
communities play a far greater role in service 
delivery and design and the TEIP therefore 
suggests that where GRT communities can 
engage to inuence school policies and 
curricula matters an opportunity exists to help 
shape an educational system which meets 
their needs (for example in schools with high 
numbers of GRT pupils). The TEIP has found 
clear evidence amongst the interview sample 
of growing and positive attitudes towards 
mainstream education and a willingness to 
work in that system, for example as classroom 
assistants etc. , however, until a critical mass 
of ?educated? GRTs is reached, it is dicult 
to forecast whether this will lead to greater 
involvement in education services and take-up 
of ?personalised services? of if the above noted. 
Fragmentation of Traveller Education Services, 
limited number of community groups in some 
localities and general lack of community/
 political engagement by many community 
members will lead to the erosion of educational 
gains made in recent decades.
 Whilst plans to accelerate the creation of 
Academy Schools for top-performing state 
schools (as dened by the Ofsted inspectorate) 
may oer signicant opportunities for parents 
to inuence the direction of educational 
provision, this will simultaneously l weaken 
local authority control of schools and thus 
may lead to a signicant reduction in local 
authority strategic interventions with 
Gypsies and Travellers. Evidence exists which 
indicates that, where Academy Schools are 
in place an emphasis on high level academic 
achievement and low toleration of non-
 conforming behaviour has led to a rate of 
exclusion which is already much higher than 
found in local authority controlled schools 
(Ryder and Cemlyn, 2010). The Government?s 
pledge to limit the right to challenge school 
exclusion may potentially (given the high rate 
of exclusions already experienced by Gypsy and 
Traveller pupils~) lead to more conict with 
Chapter Twelve - Policy and Practice: Recommendations and Conclusions 172
 and disengagement from education for some 
young people and their families. The TEIP found 
that poor home school relations and bullying 
have been major factors in contributing to the 
educational exclusion of those Gypsies and 
Travellers who failed in the educational system. 
Thus the TEIP has some anxiety about the 
possible impact of these educational reforms. 
Accordingly, in the design and delivery of 
these emerging educational policies it is hoped 
that the Government will be sympathetic to 
and evaluate the concerns expressed by TEIP 
and the recently announced GRT Education 
Stakeholder Group (Hansard, Lords, 27/7/10) 
which is charged with ?fostering eective 
communication channels with ?grassroots? 
members of the communities to bring about 
greater awareness of DfE policies and their 
objectives, encourage the support and help of 
parents/carers for their children?s education; 
and work to strengthen condence among their 
communities? (Hansard, Lords, written answers 
1/11/10).
 A further major reform that is likely to have
 important implications for GRT young people, 
is the Education and Skills Act (2008) which 
will increase the education leaving age to 
eighteen, and ensure that all adolescents are 
engaged in academic, educational training or 
vocational apprenticeships. This programme will 
be obligatory and non-compliance could lead 
to prosecution. At the time of its introduction 
some Gypsy and Traveller groups expressed 
disquiet arguing that this reform could cause 
further conict between community members 
and statutory authorities as representing an 
approach which is in conict with traditional 
Gypsy and Traveller adolescent socialisation 
practices that emphasise in-family learning, 
training and employment experiences and or 
practice early parenthood (TLRP 2008).
 Given the high number of participants whom 
TEIP found had re-entered further education 
(approximately one third of the sample albeit 
this group are not necessarily ?typical? of the 
wider population), opportunities for post school 
learning and training may be welcome by many 
Gypsies and Travellers, particularly if these can 
developed within a personalisation agenda 
which emphasises employment related skills 
alongside academic attainment. Key ingredients 
for success throughout the educational sector 
comprise the quality of the interface between 
Gypsies and Travellers (a role which it is hoped 
will be advised upon and steered by the GRT 
Education Stakeholders group discussed above) 
and education providers oering courses that 
oer exibility and community-valued skills.
 It is in this space of engagement that the 
Connexions service will have an important role 
to play and we commend the innovative good 
practice projects delivered by the service which 
we have outlined in Chapter 10. However, as has 
been indicated by a number of interviewees, 
the quality of Connexions services is variable 
and there is some evidence that a number 
of younger Gypsies and Travellers are not 
benetting from contact with this agency. It is, 
therefore, important for Connexions services 
and the Youth Sector Development Fund, to 
work together to develop good links with, 
and understanding of, Gypsies and Travellers. 
We recommend that close engagement 
with Traveller Education Services should 
be established as a matter of routine good 
practice, as the TES will be able to provide an 
important supporting role to Connexions, 
which draws upon their established expertise 
and network of local contacts. The TEIP would 
caution that where exibility of provision and 
the use of personalized services does not take 
place, or liaison with GRT community groups 
and the TES is poor, a signicant danger exists 
that oers of training and courses perceived 
of as ?irrelevant? will be rejected, deepening a 
culture of educational resistance, reversing the 
growing and positive trend towards take-up 
post 16 education, and increasing the risk of 
prosecution for parents who fail to ensure that 
their youth remain within the education system.
 We have noted in Chapter 9 that new and 
emerging opportunities and platforms for the 
arts have been created by the former DCSF 
sponsored establishment of Gypsy Roma 
Traveller History Month. In the light of the 
tremendous scope this initiative oers, not only 
to challenge racism but also to provide new 
economic outlets for talented artists within 
the Gypsy, Roma and Traveller communities 
the TEIP commend this programme and 
would urge that initiative continues to receive 
central Government support and funding. 
Amongst other minority ethnic communities 
within the UK arts and culture have become 
a multi-million pound industry and the same 
economic, cultural and socially transformative 
opportunities could emerge from within Gypsy, 
Roma and Traveller communities. At the time 
of writing, in the light of the scal review it 
is is unclear whether the new Department 
Chapter Twelve - Policy and Practice: Recommendations and Conclusions 173
 for Education will be able to continue to 
provide the same levels of nancial support as 
heretofore.
 Welfare and Employment
 The TEIP interviewees have provided evidence 
that welfare reforms and an emphasis on 
encouraging people into work have pushed a 
number of low-skilled Gypsies and Travellers 
into low paid, unskilled positions which 
provided limited opportunities for economic 
and training development. For some women 
in particular, cultural barriers and expectations 
(e.g. on remaining at home with children or 
caring for older relatives, or not working outside 
of the home/community setting) have led to 
family conict and cultural dislocation. The TEIP 
has noted the low level of support provided 
by Jobcentre Plus to many Gypsy and Traveller 
jobseekers, exacerbated in the main by a lack of 
understanding of culture and ethnicity. Given 
that the educational and training opportunities 
and guidance available from advisers in New 
Deal and Jobcentre Plus agencies has the scope 
to assist in increasing economic inclusion we are 
signicantly concerned about the limitations of 
many ?advisors? (and indeed more senior DWP 
ocials?) knowledge of Gypsy and Traveller 
lifestyles and culture and how this may impact 
on availability for work. TEIP believes that 
training and cultural awareness materials should 
be devised in partnership with GRT community 
groups and that these should be delivered by 
qualied Gypsy and Traveller cultural advisors 
(see under Chapter 10) to New Deal and 
Jobcentre sta. Such training could encompass 
cultural awareness training, the Traveller 
Economy, social networks and traditional and 
changing gender roles as well as the provision 
of advice on preferred training and education 
methods.
 DWP research has reported that outreach 
provision, particularly where provided by 
someone from the same community, is often 
successful in reaching groups who are not 
making use of services, or who are failing 
to benet fully from the range of available 
training and employment opportunities 
(Hudson et al, 2006). Hence, it is important 
that Jobcentres act upon the proposal made 
by the former Government in response to the 
European Commission against Racism and 
Intolerance (fourth periodic report on the UK) 
that Jobcentre advisors ?forge strong links? with 
Gypsy and Traveller community groups. To 
date the TEIP has found no evidence of these 
recommendations having been acted on a 
systematic manner. Limited information exists 
on barriers to engagement with DWP services as 
no research has been conducted on Gypsy and 
Traveller experiences of accessing Jobcentre 
support, despite the focus on ?customer 
experience? which has explored the use of 
services by members of larger minority ethnic 
groups (Hudson et al, 2006).
 We would therefore strongly recommend 
that not only are Gypsies and Travellers 
routinely included as ethnic categories in DWP 
monitoring of service use/experience (in line 
with other minority ethnic groups) but that the 
DWP and Jobcentre Plus devise a more detailed 
evidence base pertaining to the specic needs 
of GRT communities and existing community 
links, through re-conguring the Ethnic 
Minority Outreach Services and the Ethnic 
Minority Flexible Fund. The Ethnic Minority 
Flexible Fund, was a successful pilot project 
(now discontinued) used by District Managers 
to support ethnic minorities into accessing 
and entering into employment, particularly 
in deprived localities. The programme was 
predicated on recognising that action on ethnic 
minority economic exclusion and employment 
needed to be sensitive to local needs and 
localities and required a degree of exibility 
in ensuring race equality and parity of access. 
The DWP evaluation report on the programme 
reported that ?The underlying ethos is that one 
size does not t all. District Managers are able 
to draw on the fund within deliberately broad 
parameters as bets enhancing local provision? 
(Crawford et al, 2008). The TEIP would argue that 
this fund should be revived in some form, and
 funds made available to undertake further 
consultation with and research into localised 
employment and training needs of Gypsies and 
Travellers in areas with a large GRT population 
Follow-up outreach work to communities and 
sta cultural awareness training could then be 
undertaken in partnership with local or national 
Gypsy and Traveller organisations.
 Findings from the TEIP study has led the team 
to question how eective individualised and 
waged labour directed employment initiatives 
are when aimed at unemployed Gypsies 
and Travellers who have often experienced 
educational exclusion and may have poor 
literacy skills. We suggest that such community 
groups (in the light of strong cultural 
Chapter Twelve - Policy and Practice: Recommendations and Conclusions 174
 preferences for bonded capital, family-oriented 
employment activities) may benet from more 
collective and community orientated initiatives 
that utilise the pre-existing social and cultural 
capital of the community. This approach may 
be particularly eective in localised spaces 
of acute economic exclusion where Gypsies 
and Travellers living on local authority sites or 
housing estates are experiencing high levels of 
unemployment and the Traveller Economy is in 
crisis (Greenelds and Smith, 2009).
 The TEIP believes social enterprise agencies and 
cooperatively owned organizations (perhaps 
funded through credit unions) hold signicant 
potential to generate employment and services 
for Gypsies and Travellers in a number of 
important social and economic elds. These 
activities can be facilitated, supported and 
strengthened by exploiting a preference for 
bonding social capital. Thus, in relation to 
Gypsies and Travellers working in the ?Traveller 
economy? rather than trying to increase 
employment rates through conventional 
employment generation schemes, which tend 
to be targeted at waged labour, we argue that 
it may be more eective to explore measures 
which can revive the ?Traveller Economy? 
through utilising the skills and assets contained 
within close networks which exist on sites. Such 
assets include reciprocity, mutuality and the 
cohesive properties of social capital, which it 
has been argued are central to any strategies 
for neighbourhood renewal (CLG, 2006: 
CONSCISE, 2003; Forrest and Kearns, 2001). 
Accordingly, economic revival initiatives could 
be based around the concept of engagement 
with ?social rms? (social enterprises designed 
to work with people who are disadvantaged in 
the labour market). The development of such 
social rms holds the potential to deliver work 
opportunities as well as oering training and 
skills development to marginalised Gypsies and 
Travellers. Such social business initiatives have 
the supreme benet of operating in a culturally 
appropriate manner which is preferred by 
and accessible to the ?hardest to reach? Gypsy 
and Traveller men viz: working with fellow 
community members and (especially in the case 
of cooperatives) in a manner which provides 
participants with a degree of control and self-
 determination which are some of the most 
prized features of the Traveller Economy.
 To date such newly emerging Gypsy/Traveller 
social enterprises are largely limited to the 
provision of accommodation and third sector 
services. As we have demonstrated, in common 
with other ethnic minorities (Cabinet Oce, 
2003, 24), Gypsies and Travellers, have a high 
incidence of self-employment, but unlike other 
BME communities, to date, Gypsy and Traveller 
social enterprise and cooperative structures 
have made limited and negligible headway. In 
their failure to develop proportionate social 
enterprises and cooperative ventures Gypsies 
and Travellers are in danger of falling behind in 
business initiatives that hold the potential to 
support community members in overcoming 
the hurdles posed by increasing levels of 
regulation and bureaucracy. Accordingly we 
would recommend that greater central, local 
and institutional underpinning is required to 
support and promote GRT led social enterprise 
initiatives as well as assisting in developing the 
infrastructure and number of local community 
groups to help deliver such projects through 
utilising the mechanisms of local enterprise 
boards, equality impact assessment and multi-
 agency forums within local areas.
 A National Plan for Gypsies Roma and 
Travellers
 In exploring the multi-factorial domains of 
exclusion which have had to be overcome by 
successful GRT communities? members, the TEIP 
has been repeatedly struck by the complexities 
facing individuals (and groups) who have 
often been lacking in experience, training, 
capacity and educational/cultural knowledge 
when seeking to develop new economic 
opportunities. One way of facilitating GRT 
knowledge of support which is available, and 
simultaneously raising the awareness of service 
providers as to the needs of GRT community 
members, would be through the adoption of 
an explicit national action plan which has an 
emphasis on these communities? experiences 
and economic/social situation.
 Unlike some other countries (e.g. Ireland) 
Britain lacks a coherent Gypsy Roma Traveller 
national plan which sets out how specic 
and general measures and instruments can 
facilitate the social inclusion of members of 
these communities. Such a plan, if adopted, 
would enable service providers, users and 
campaigners to eectively assess and apply 
social policy to meet the needs of Gypsies, 
Roma and Travellers. The TEIP proposes that 
such a plan could be framed by the civil 
servants and GRT representatives/experts who 
are already involved in a number of existing 
Chapter Twelve - Policy and Practice: Recommendations and Conclusions 175
 central government department forums and 
initiatives. The TEIP is greatly encouraged by the 
fact the European Commission against Racism 
and Intolerance (ECRI) is consulting on current 
draft recommendations issued to European 
Governments (including the UK) recommending 
that Governments employ, under a national 
plan, a comprehensive multidisciplinary 
approach to issues concerning Roma [a term 
which subsumes in this context Gypsy and 
Traveller groups], involving their representatives 
in the conception, framing, implementation 
and evaluation of the policies that concern 
them (ECRI, 2010). The ECRI has made a series 
of further proposals, of particular relevance 
to Economic inclusion strategies, placing 
an emphasis on employment, (particularly 
to recruitment) and vocational training and 
including measures to stamp out employment 
discrimination, all issues which have featured 
prominently within this report. The ECRI also 
calls for steps to be taken to monitor the 
employment situation of these minorities by 
conducting research into such questions as 
the causes and level of unemployment, and 
through gathering related statistical data (ECRI, 
2010).
 These points relate closely to the ndings and 
recommendation made within the TEIP report. 
We strongly recommend that these proposals 
are formally adopted by the British Government 
(and indeed other European administrations) 
and that such ?national plans? become key 
drivers for devising measures to raise the 
economic and social inclusion of Gypsies, Roma 
and Travellers across Europe.
 Key Questions
 * Should ?personalised services?, targeted 
measures and positive action be more widely 
adopted in the UK for Gypsies and Travellers?
 * Can these measures support economic 
inclusion?
 * Where these measures have been 
implemented what have been the outcomes for 
Gypsies and Travellers?
 Personalisation
 The debate on delivery of social inclusion 
policies has often been constructed in terms of 
mainstream versus specialist service provision. 
The developing concept of ?personalisation? 
may however resolve these divisions and 
oer a positive way forward particularly at the 
community-base level. Throughout the report 
the TEIP has highlighted the benets of support 
measures that are exible and targeted at 
specic Gypsy and Traveller communities? needs 
and we therefore suggest that personalisation 
as a mechanism for engaging with the ?Big 
Society? agenda holds clear potential as a 
way of supporting community groups into 
becoming service providers, and in so creating 
new employment opportunities for Gypsies and 
Travellers.
 We are not however, unaware of the hurdles 
to be overcome if this process is to be 
successfully undertaken. In comparison to 
the majority of other ethnic minorities, the 
Gypsy and Traveller third sector remains 
underdeveloped (see Chapter 11), especially in 
terms of the geographical spread of localised 
community groups which are not reective of 
the distribution of RGT populations. Despite 
considerable progress having been made 
in capacity building in recent years, the 
development of community capacity is still 
at a relatively early stage and there remains 
large areas of the country with high number 
of Gypsies, Roma and Travellers and little 
community organisation and/or representation. 
We suggest that this lack of community 
organisation may therefore hinder the potential 
for the eective ?personalisation? of services, 
the creation of local partnerships in service 
provision and concurrent employment of 
community members. However, an alternative, 
and one which has the signicant benet of 
moving GRT community members out of the 
?glass box? (See Chapter 6) and enhancing 
bridging capital is that statutory service 
providers should, as a product of equality 
impact assessments, and with the intent of 
developing enhanced community cohesion, 
seek to employ Gypsies and Travellers in a 
proportion similar to their presence in the local 
population. Whilst the percentages of employed 
GRT community members in mainstream 
services (at least those who self-identify as such) 
is signicantly lower and disproportionate to 
their numbers, a number of statutory sector 
organisations have successfully taken this step, 
primarily employing community members 
in mediation and outreach roles (see further 
Chapter 11).
 It should also be borne in mind that successful 
personalisation of services is dependent 
upon eective negotiation between clients 
Chapter Twelve - Policy and Practice: Recommendations and Conclusions 176
 and service providers. The lack of GRT groups 
in many areas (and indeed limited capacity 
in locations where they exist) coupled with 
low condence and skills on the part of 
many individual Gypsies and Travellers and 
a lack of awareness of these groups? needs 
by service sta means that a risk exists that 
GRT communities miss out on the potential 
opportunities oered by the personalisation 
agenda. As we have noted elsewhere, the high 
incidence of racism experienced by Gypsies and 
Travellers is also likely to impact on take-up of 
services and increase caution in interacting with 
external agencies.
 Concerns have been raised by some third 
sector groups that engagement with the 
personalisation agenda could increase ?back 
oce? costs and demands on community 
groups if they are contracted to deliver tailored 
services and projects, particularly where these 
are across a geographically large rural area. 
However, as we have identied, partnerships 
between established NGOs and smaller 
community groups (as utilised in the Derbyshire 
Gypsy Liaison Group- and Lincolnshire Gypsy 
Liaison Group case study discussed in Chapter 
11) may oer solutions to these obstacles 
(Dickinson and Glasby, 2010). A further risk to 
the success of delivering personalised services, 
is that organisations emerge with the requisite 
formal structures to enable them to win 
contracts and services but in eect ?colonise? 
these niche markets giving little say to users and 
client communities and instead being driven by 
opportunistic organisational development. We 
would therefore propose that localised tailored 
delivery undertaken by smaller local groups 
in partnership with larger NGOs (see Chapter 
11) oer the most eective mode of delivery. 
The ?litmus test? for establishing successfully 
personalised and inclusive funded projects 
should, we recommend, be local capacity 
building potential and active involvement 
in design, delivery and coordination by local 
Gypsies and Travellers, a core issue with 
which many successful community groups we 
examined continued to engage.
 One core aspect of the personalisation agenda 
which may prove benecial to emerging 
community groups and social enterprises is the 
ability to seek the transfer of assets and service 
delivery mechanisms to community led groups 
(CLG, 2006 and 2007; Cabinet Oce 2008). This 
process will feature in Local Area Agreements 
and compacts, (concordats for eective 
partnership working between the third sector 
and central government) which underpin and 
facilitate the achievement of shared objectives 
(CLG, 2006) as well as being a core element 
of the Big Society debate. Thus community 
groups have the potential to gain ownership 
of buildings and from these emerging social 
action centres and begin to develop a range 
of income generating activities. We suggest 
therefore that where capacity and skills exist, 
valuable opportunities could arise for existing 
and emerging Gypsy and Traveller community 
groups to develop ?community hubs? (perhaps 
on housing estates with a large GRT population) 
which enable them to retain strong and 
valuable grassroots links to their client groups 
whilst generating employment opportunities 
through the delivery of social enterprise 
services such as welfare support, training and 
the management of community assets (CLG, 
2007).
 We note too, that Central government 
departments may have a role to play in the 
development of GRT led local initiatives as all 
of the ?good practice? service providers and 
community groups featured in this report 
were either involved in, or made reference 
to, targeted and innovative projects which 
originated from Departments such as 
Communities and Local Government, the 
former Department for Children, Schools and 
Families and the Oce of the Third Sector. In 
contrast, to date the Department for Work and 
Pensions has not been proactive in targeting 
measures to increase Gypsy and Traveller take 
up of mainstream services such as Business 
Link support or training packages and we 
would hope that the DWP will take note of the 
opportunities and proposals we have outlined 
within this report to engage further with GRT 
with the intention of actively supporting these 
communities? economic inclusion.
 The Big Society
 Throughout this report we have made 
signicant reference to the emerging ?Big 
Society? agenda. The Government has 
emphasised its support for public participation 
and governance policies through the ?Big 
Society? agenda and armation of support for 
personalisation (Cabinet Oce, 2010).
 Despite the considerable opportunities which 
we have identied throughout this report 
some considerable threats to the success of 
the model exist, in particular, the requirement 
Chapter Twelve - Policy and Practice: Recommendations and Conclusions 177
 for greater engagement between GRT groups 
and mainstream services and partnerships. 
Our analysis of good practice has shown that 
where bridging capital and shared inter-
 cultural knowledge exists community led 
projects can be highly successful in engaging 
with mainstream services and compacts. 
However the successful groups we analysed 
have in recent years been , relatively securely 
funded and supported by experienced workers 
engaged in initiatives with high levels of 
community ?buy in?. In a time of recession where 
charitable funders have reduced donations and 
central and local government have had to make 
cutbacks the rollback of support potentially 
makes diversication into new personalised 
services a risky venture for newer and perhaps 
less condent organisations.
 Targeting Exclusion whilst Avoiding 
Segregation
 Whilst the TEIP strongly endorses the provision 
of ?targeted? measures we would urge that great 
care needs to be taken so that such provision 
does not become segregated, which in eect 
limits the impact of the emerging levels of 
bridging capital which we have identied as a 
key aspect of social and economic inclusion. 
We are also aware that segregated provision 
may at times equate to substandard services, 
as evidenced by interviewees? narratives of 
engagement with specialist educational 
facilities (see Chapter 9) where separate 
provision, intended to provide short term 
focused support had drifted into ghettoisation. 
However, carefully monitored and evaluated 
targeted exible services (e.g. specic skills 
training) hold the potential to signicantly 
strengthen mainstream provision and enhance 
its relevance for Gypsies and Travellers. Murphy 
(2001) notes that targeted measures for 
Travellers are not always incompatible with 
mainstreaming services and recommends 
that close relationship should exist between 
mainstream and targeted support so that 
knowledge arising from, for example, a local 
pilot project is then fed back into the daily 
operations of the State and becomes part of the 
activities of other key service providers so that 
?their methods and approaches change and 
the pilot becomes part of established services 
or turns those services into new directions ? 
(Murphy, 2001, 45).
 Positive Action
 Throughout this report we have made 
considerable reference to positive action 
which appears to be widespread in relation to 
recruitment of sta to community engagement 
projects. Where community knowledge, 
experience and trust is required, employment 
of GRT sta members is widely identied as 
being of great value in meeting the objectives 
of organisations. Positive action was most 
commonly enacted through the use of targeted 
recruitment which placed an important 
emphasis on experience and community 
knowledge within selection procedures, and 
then provided training and support to upskill 
sta in areas where experience or specic 
knowledge was found to be lacking. In the 
light of the positive outcomes examined 
within this report the TEIP believes there is 
scope for greater exchange of good practice 
knowledge and the application of ?positive 
action? behaviours amongst community groups 
and service providers. To this end we would 
recommend that stake holders actively seek to 
disseminate knowledge of their employment 
practices and good practice recommendations 
through the mechanisms of the Irish Traveller 
Movement hosted web-based economic 
inclusion knowledge exchange system referred 
to at the beginning of Part 4 of this report. It 
is hoped that this initiative might lead to even 
greater cooperative work between the lead 
agencies in GRT capacity building.
 Key Questions
 * To what degree have Gypsies and Travellers 
been involved in designing and coordinating 
projects to support economic inclusion
 * What input have GRT communities had into 
designing governance structures within public 
and private arenas?
 Empowerment within the Traveller Economy 
and Third Sector
 Much of this report consists of exploring 
the ways in which GRT communities can be 
empowered to become actively involved in 
devising solutions to economic and social 
exclusion. Such engagement at an individual 
and group level is an important factor in 
reversing the marginalisation of Gypsies and 
Travellers. At an individual level it ensures that 
Chapter Twelve - Policy and Practice: Recommendations and Conclusions 178
 community members possess the requisite life 
and business skills to adapt and prosper, and 
within organisations and projects the inclusion 
of the authentic voice of community members 
ensures that initiatives are relevant and hence 
eective. An additional and critically important 
factor is that listening to GRT community 
members as a group (a community of interest) 
and engaging in intercultural dialogue and 
partnership working with them, empowers the 
excluded as a collective, allowing their views 
to be heard in debates over the direction and 
design of measures to remedy economic and 
social exclusion.
 Empowerment can take a number of forms, 
including the ability to have the condence 
to access training and undertake activities in 
a way which creates greater autonomy and 
self-reliance. The TEIP found clear evidence of 
Gypsy and Traveller businesses expanding and 
employing sta and working competitively in 
the formal economy. In some cases expertise 
in the form of secretarial or management/
 accountancy support has been ?hired in? to 
companies but there was also increasing 
evidence of community members themselves 
developing skills to enable them to manage 
large business projects or encouraging (family 
female family members) wives and daughters 
to access training which permitted them to 
deal with ?the paperwork? rather than bringing 
in expertise from outside of the community. In 
this way Gypsy and Traveller enterprises and 
small businesses will in time begin to reect 
the patterns commonly found amongst many 
other minority ethnic businesses which often 
demonstrate a preference for employing 
relatives, peers and other community members.
 In addition to the growth of individual 
enterprise, the TEIP found that Gypsy and 
Traveller involvement in the governance and 
management of community projects was 
increasing dramatically. In the past, a number 
of community groups had reported that they 
found the bureaucracy and technical nature 
of governance structures to be frustrating, 
particularly for community members with 
low levels of formal education. Thus a model 
emerged where Gypsies and Travellers were 
more prominent in management positions in 
community groups which they had been active 
in establishing, whilst in community projects 
initiated by non-community members, they 
were more likely to be employed as outreach 
sta, case workers and sessional workers. Both 
statutory and community organisations are 
clear that the employment of Gypsies and 
Travellers in both long term and short term 
initiatives as well as acting as volunteers, greatly 
enhances the direction and management 
of projects as decisions are be informed by 
community experience. As we have noted 
in Chapter Six in 2005 only a small number 
of Gypsies and Travellers were employed in 
community projects, by 2010 this has increased 
exponentially. The TEIP has no doubt as a 
greater number of GRT community members 
gain formal qualications, work experience and 
develop their skills, their presence in senior and 
management positions will become ever more 
prominent.
 Volunteering
 TEIP found that, in terms of engagement with 
volunteering, interviewees reported that 
other than their activities with faith groups, 
most volunteering was focused on Gypsy 
and Traveller community engagement. This 
should come as no surprise. High levels of 
community exclusion have been found to be 
a motivating factor, as interviewees put what 
spare time and energy they have, into helping 
their other Gypsies and Travellers in recognition 
of the depths of exclusion suered by their 
communities.
 We note too, based upon the ndings 
pertaining to experiences of racism that many 
GRT community members feel more at ease 
working within a context where they know and 
understand processes and those with whom 
they come into contact. In contrast, wider 
involvement in community organisations and 
forums such as local area-based groups or local 
government was limited. Low civic engagement 
is a typical feature of those who are highly 
excluded but also reects the lack of trust in, 
and fear of, wider society prompted by the high 
levels of discrimination and prejudice we have 
identied within this report.
 To varying degrees, GRT community groups 
we interviewed had concerns about the 
extent to which they had mobilised grassroots 
community involvement. However, such 
involvement was increasing as the value of 
volunteering was (albeit often slowly) being 
recognised by larger numbers of (mainly female 
and often young) community members who 
were taking the opportunity of volunteering 
Chapter Twelve - Policy and Practice: Recommendations and Conclusions 179
 in a ?safe? culturally acceptable environment 
to develop their employability skills. The 
development of new and innovative ways of 
communicating with the wider GRT community 
were also being cited as leading to increased 
interest in, and knowledge of, community 
development models and ways of engaging in 
volunteering. In particular Gypsy Roma Traveller 
History Month and the Travellers? Times were 
cited as notable dissemination examples which 
were leading to increased levels of community 
involvement in a range of activities.
 We note too, that where community groups 
and social enterprise agencies engage with 
the ?personalised? services agenda, additional 
opportunities for volunteering or community 
engagement will occur, particularly if social 
enterprise groups become more visible as a 
result of asset transfer and service delivery in 
local areas. Thus as community groups enhance 
their grassroots links and relevance to local 
groups of Gypsies, Roma and Travellers sta 
expertise will evolve along with the potential 
to engage greater numbers of community 
members in volunteering and service delivery 
as they can see that other GRTs have made 
the transition from service user to service 
provider whilst being upskilled in a supportive 
community context.
 Political Inclusion
 As has been reported on behalf of the EHRC 
(Cemlyn et. al., 2009) Gypsies, Travellers and 
Roma are politically extremely disengaged 
and frequently disenfranchised despite (or 
perhaps because of) the appallingly high levels 
of exclusion experienced across numerous 
domains. Without the inclusion of a clear ethnic 
monitoring categories of Gypsies, Roma and 
Travellers in most civic activities and with the 
lack of the ability to easily ?track? a GRT related 
?ethnic vote? it is impossible to know the true 
extent of political engagement and voting 
behaviours amongst these communities. 
However, persistent anecdotal evidence asserts 
that very few Gypsies and Travellers (particularly 
those resident on sites) are registered to vote, 
and (as is well evidenced) that candidates are 
more likely to seek to achieve political oce 
through raising objections to Traveller sites in 
a neighbourhood than to attempt to engage 
with site residents. Thus the spatial and social 
exclusion and segregation experienced by GRT 
population maps across onto civic exclusion. 
Without local councillors and indeed MPs 
identifying that Gypsies and Travellers are 
as much members of their constituencies as 
are other BME community members, Gypsies 
and Travellers report that they all too often 
experience a sense of political powerlessness 
arising from the systemic failure for GRT 
concerns to be taken seriously, other than by 
a few committed politicians. The Travellers 
Times (included as an example of a good 
practice organisation in Chapter 11 in advance 
of the 2010 general election ran a campaign to 
encourage Gypsies and Travellers to register to 
vote, and sought to highlight the importance 
of political participation in inuencing local 
government agendas (Travellers Times, January 
2010) although to date no evidence is available 
as to the success of this innovative and much 
needed campaign to encourage political 
participation
 Despite the impression of low voting 
registration and turn-out amongst the 
communities, in recent years, Gypsy and 
Traveller engagement in national decision 
making processes has grown apace. Not only 
has CLG established a Gypsy and Traveller 
Forum, but the DCSF and new Department of 
Education have also engaged with community 
stakeholders around educational matters. 
The Department of Health has successfully 
worked with a panel of Gypsy and Traveller 
advisors at both local and national level to 
deliver Pacesetters programmes which set 
out to mitigate appalling health inequalities 
experienced by GRT people (NHS, 2009). Whilst 
these debates have focused on accommodation, 
education and health, the involvement of 
community activists has done much to inform 
civil servants and ministers of appropriate 
engagement processes and the needs of the 
communities. Regrettably though, in the light 
of the high levels of racism, discrimination and 
hate-crime victimisation which are anecdotally 
rarely reported (a belief which is supported 
by our own ndings) we are not aware of any 
engagement or consultation between the Home 
Oce; Ministry of Justice and GRT community 
members.
 Despite these positive signs of engagement, 
the TEIP believes that the issue of economic 
inclusion has to date been neglected by 
Government agencies and thus would 
recommend that a joint DWP/DBIS Gypsy and 
Traveller forum is developed, to monitor and 
feed into a coherent programme of action 
Chapter Twelve - Policy and Practice: Recommendations and Conclusions 180
 based upon this report.
 In aiding the process of policy engagement with 
economic inclusion for Gypsies and Travellers 
we suggest that existing mechanisms are also 
utilised. The DWP ?Customer Insight Team? are 
charged with acting as customer advocates: 
challenging service providers and professionals 
to view initiatives from the perspective of DWP 
clients. We would propose that this team needs 
to support and further views which emerge 
from this report, any specialist consultations 
which may follow and (should it be initiated) 
from the proposed Gypsy and Traveller Forum, 
working to translate community aspirations into 
concrete actions within the DWP. In addition, 
the Department for Business Innovation and 
Skills (DBIS) has an Ethnic Minority Business 
Forum (EMBF) which advises the DBIS on race 
and equality issues. At present this forum has 
no Gypsy and Traveller members. Either an 
economically successful Gypsy or Traveller 
business person be recruited to this body, or 
if a DWP Forum is established. a community 
member should be co-opted to the EMBF to 
forge links and to act as a conduit of information 
between GRT communities and the wider 
business world.
 We would urge that should a Gypsy and 
Traveller forum be developed that it must 
not just be an unfocussed ?talking shop? but 
must deliver relevant, ecient outcomes. In 
particular, we would advise that key priorities 
for a Gypsy and Traveller economic inclusion 
forum should include:
 * Promoting social enterprise and cooperatives, 
particularly in areas of acute exclusion
 * Promoting personalised and inclusive services 
? particularly within Business Support; New Deal 
and Job Seekers? Plus initiatives and education 
and training opportunities for adolescents/
 adults
 * The promotion of positive action and 
dissemination of good employment and 
training practice
 The Future
 This report has been produced against a 
backdrop of profound economic change 
and insecurity across Britain and the world. 
The situation facing Gypsies and Travellers 
(particularly those working in traditional 
economies or who have few transferable skills) 
appears relatively bleak. However as identied 
within this report the community as a whole 
is exible, adaptive and ambitious. We have 
presented a mixed picture in terms of exclusion 
and success but have also identied a series of 
proposals and ways forward to achieve greater 
economic inclusion of GRT communities which 
takes account of both cultural patterns and 
preferences and emerging policy agendas.
 Following the General Election which produced 
a hung parliament and the formation of 
a Coalition Government composed of 
Conservatives and Liberals the TEIP hopes that 
cross party consensus can be developed on 
the issue of Gypsies and Travellers. The TEIP has 
set out a moral, social and business case for 
measures to help raise the economic inclusion 
of this minority. Growth and innovation in 
the Traveller Economy, social enterprise and 
movement into new areas of employment will 
do much to reduce economic exclusion where 
it does exist, creating positive role models 
and images and giving the community the 
condence to articulate their aspirations in 
policies and ventures which they have helped to 
shape.
 For this progress to take place however, policy 
responses will need to be exible and targeted, 
a point emphasised throughout this report. 
In addition, policies which seek to enhance 
economic inclusion will also need to engage 
with encouraging and facilitating increased 
participation in education, training and business 
support and assisting the development of a 
greater supply of decent accommodation.
 The success of responses to exclusion can 
be maximised by utilising the strong social 
bonds of Gypsy and Traveller families and their 
associated networks and using these existing 
resources to build new economic ventures as 
well as to deliver support. However, strong 
social bonds should not preclude meaningful 
partnerships with ?outside? agencies and we 
have explored the ways in which inter-cultural 
understanding and engagement are leading 
to the development of bridging capital and 
skills development which benet both Gypsies 
and Travellers and wider society alike whilst 
enhancing community cohesion.
Chapter Twelve - Policy and Practice: Recommendations and Conclusions 181
 A Summary of Recommendations from the 
Traveller Economic Inclusion Project
 Having undertaken the TEIP we are anxious that 
this report will not simply remain ?on the shelf?. 
Accordingly, the next stage of the TEIP is to take 
the recommendations arising from out of this 
report forward, with community activists joining 
in partnership with policy practitioners and 
academics, to engage in a constructive lobbying 
strategy.
 The TEIP team are hopeful that the Government 
will be open to the views contained within this 
report and that policy makers and practitioners 
will use the evidence we have gathered to 
engage fully with community activists to debate 
practice and process and devise a clear course 
of action which will move Gypsies and Travellers 
to full economic inclusion.
 This report has tried to emphasise that 
genuine and committed intercultural debate 
and discussion hold the potential to lead to 
change and innovation in the elds of Gypsy 
and Traveller economic and social inclusion. It 
is critically important that such debate takes 
place to ensure that the policies, evaluation and 
monitoring processes which arise are informed, 
inclusive policies and eective.
 In the remaining pages of this report we 
present a summary of policy and practices 
recommendations which we would urge are 
adopted to ensure social justice and inclusion 
for Roma, Gypsies and Travellers (GRT) living in 
Britain
 The Traveller Economy 
* Greater targeted support for Gypsies, Roma 
and Travellers to develop their own businesses 
e.g through by regional development agencies/
 Local Enterprise Partnerships. 
* Dialogue with the Department for Work and 
Pensions on how best support and guidance 
can be targeted towards the Gypsy, Roma and 
Traveller community 
* Improved outreach by Business Links to 
Gypsies, Roma and Travellers 
* Building upon emerging good practice (an 
existing DVD on ?cold calling?) local Trading 
Standards Oces should develop targeted 
information and awareness raising activities for 
Gypsies Roma and Travellers on restrictions on 
?cold calling? 
* The extension and promotion of ?registered 
Good Practice tradespeople? schemes operated 
by Trading Standards Departments to Gypsy 
and Traveller tradespeople
 * The promotion and development of social 
enterprise and cooperative economic structures 
within the Traveller Economy. The development 
of intercultural fora and dialogue between 
Gypsy and Traveller groups with the Black 
Training and Enterprise Group (BTEG) and Co-
 operative Diversity Action (CDA) which provides 
support, resources and guidance for BME 
communities who are engaged in co-operative 
enterprise. 
* The promotion of innovative exible funding 
and training schemes which can help Gypsies 
and Travellers to develop their own businesses. 
e.g.The Prince?s Trust which has an emerging 
track record in supporting young Travellers 
with ?start-up? support and business planning 
advice, as well as oering small ?community cash 
awards? to start-up community projects. 
Access to Waged Labour 
* Greater exchange of good practice examples 
and models e.g. ?positive action?, community 
recruitment, encouraging volunteering, 
employment of sessional sta and employee 
support amongst projects employing Gypsies, 
Roma and Travellers . Facilitated by the Irish 
Traveller Movement Britain?s (ITMB) economic 
inclusion project web-resource
 * The development of shared training and 
support packages. by and for community 
enterprises employing GRT sta and volunteers. 
* Increased promotion of volunteering 
amongst unemployed Gypsies and Travellers. 
Implementation of exible welfare schemes 
so that unemployed GRT are not penalized 
within the Benets system whilst acquiring 
transferable skills. 
* Targeted initiatives to reduce the occurrence 
of informal work practices/unemployment and 
to encourage ?regularisation? of work situations 
* Raised awareness of, and access to, training 
opportunities amongst those in low waged/lw 
Chapter Twelve - Policy and Practice: Recommendations and Conclusions 182
 skilled employment. * The Jobcentre Plus Ethnic 
Minority Flexible Fund be revived and used to 
provide targeted outreach for Gypsies Roma 
and Travellers.
 * Cultural training and awareness raising 
education/activities for DWP front- line and 
managerial sta to be delivered in partnership 
with Gypsy Roma and Traveller community 
groups 
Accommodation 
* There is an urgent need to promote new types 
of aordable and inclusive credit for home 
ownership amongst Gypsies and Travellers 
(e.g. through Community Land Trusts and 
other co-operative ventures. * There is a need 
to provide new (and upgraded) site provision 
through a targeted approach to delivery of 
accommodation. Sites to comprise
 of a mixture of tenures (e.g rented; shared 
ownership; owner-occupied, etc.) with clear 
deadlines set for addressing the national 
shortage of sites. * Where ?working space? is 
not provided or is not considered suitable on 
residential sites, assistance should be provided 
to help trades-people identify well-located 
adjacent work zones. Co-operative or social 
enterprise owned socially managed working 
units which are aordable in response to 
uctuating incomes and exible use of the 
space may potentially oer a solution to 
shortage of ?Traveller economy? working space. 
* Attempts to revive the Traveller Economy 
through cooperative/social employment 
ventures should be undertaken in localised 
spaces of acute economic exclusion. * There 
is a need to raise awareness amongst Gypsies 
and Travellers of the economic and social 
inclusion opportunities of entering into site 
management/ownership and construction 
programmes. The Homes and Communities 
Agency to design a targeted toolkit to achieve 
this aim with on-going advice and support from 
Gypsy and Traveller community groups.
 Education 
* Greater exibility in educational provision 
and opportunity for interactive and practical 
learning experiences within the school 
curriculum 
* Targeted measures can increase educational 
inclusion but care needs to be taken to avoid 
segregation and separation of GRT pupils from 
?mainstream? society?
  * There is a need for increased numbers of 
trained Connexions sta with a specic Gypsy 
Roma Traveller remit
  * Traveller Education Services have an 
important role in promoting educational 
inclusion. The erosion of such provision is 
proving counterproductive to this goal. 
* Community role models who have engaged 
with education (including mature students or 
professionals who left school early and returned 
to education) should work at a national and 
local level to raise aspirations and condence 
amongst GRT community members. 
* A national (virtual) support network should 
be established for Gypsies and Travellers in 
higher education. ?Real-Life networks should be 
supported at geographical locations where a 
critical mass of GRT students exists. 
* The Youth Sector Development Fund should 
promote targeted and exible post 16 learning 
experiences, which will make retaining young 
Gypsies and Travellers within the education 
leaving age more practical and viable option. 
* TES/Connexions and Gypsy and Traveller 
community groups should work in partnership
 to identify and establish ?appropriate? work 
experience and volunteering options (and 
internships within GRT social enterprises) for 
young people.
  
Social Capital and Community Relations 
* The Government should fund and support a 
public awareness campaign to draw the public?s 
attention to the range of important community 
roles performed by Gypsies, Roma and Travellers 
and to challenge negative stereotypes. 
* The Government and other bodies should 
continue to give support to Gypsy Roma 
Traveller History Month which is eective in 
increasing community pride in GRT ethnicity 
and in developing bridging capital and 
increased understanding of GRT cultures and 
achievements amongst ?mainstream? society. 
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Appendix A
 A Note of Caution in relation to Administrative Data Sources
 Where appropriate through the TEIP report we make reference to national and local datasets. These 
include the biannual count of caravans undertaken on behalf of the CLG, PLASC data (the school 
annual census) and GTANA Gypsy and Traveller Accommodation and other Needs Assessments. 
The note below details the caution required when utilising such data and reports on some of the 
inadequacies of these existing datasets.
 It is impossible to frame a clear demographic snapshot of Gypsies and Travellers which captures 
all communities residing in various types of accommodation. As stated throughout the report 
there is a signicant mismatch between recognition of Roma/Gypsy/Irish Traveller and Scottish 
Gypsy-Travellers as ethnic groups (New Travellers broadly fall within the denition of occupational 
Travellers and are thus not minority ethnic groups) and the categories commonly found in ethnic 
monitoring forms.
 There is a slow but increasing tendency to include G/R/T as categories within monitoring forms (for 
example for Supporting People and in some health service reporting returns), but this is not yet 
general nor compulsory. There is considerable resistance amongst many Gypsies and Travellers to 
self-identifying as members of their communities as a result of experiences of racism, and fear that 
this will increase should they voluntarily supply information on their ethnic origins.
 Once Gypsies and Travellers are included as a Census category in the forthcoming 2011 Census, 
more eective data on the size of the population may become available although again issues 
of low self-identication will exist. Cemlyn et. al., (2009) detail the numerous categories where 
no datasets exist detailing the presence of Gypsies and Travellers despite the value of identifying 
anecdotally severe disproportionality (e.g. in the criminal justice system; suering from particular 
health conditions; presence in low paid work as identied through workforce surveys, or who are 
unemployed). As has been discussed within the report the DWP do not monitor take-up of services 
or access to benets by Gypsies and Travellers, wrongly identifying members of these communities 
as adopting a ?lifestyle? rather than being (in many cases) members of ethnic groups.
 The confusion of many agencies is compounded by the fact that not all Gypsies and Travellers are 
members of ethnic groups (see above) and that dierent datasets are designed to meet the needs 
of dierent departments or for distinct purposes (e.g. planning purposes). Thus, whilst datasets 
are kept on the number of Gypsy and Traveller caravans (the CLG bi-annual caravan count which 
is undertaken as a one-day ?snapshot? of all such caravans on authorised and unauthorised sites/
 developments on January and July and which includes New Traveller vehicles), considerable 
controversy exists as to the accuracy of the count (Cemlyn, et. al., 2009).
 There have been persistent accusations of undercounting of caravans to minimize (accidentally 
or deliberately) the size of populations and resultant expectations that local authorities will act to 
address the shortfall in local site provision. Moreover, in highly urbanised areas the majority of the 
Gypsy and Traveller population are
 likely to reside in housing and are thus ?invisible? (Drakakis-Smith and Mason, 2002).
 Ivatts, commenting on the imperfections of the biannual count and its failure to provide a more 
detailed prole of the inhabitants of caravans noted:
 ?The established practice since the early 1970s of the ODPM (formerly the Department of the 
Environment) only counting caravans at a visual distance is perhaps reective of government being 
more concerned about the politics of unauthorised camping than in identifying the needs of the 
people within these very marginalised communities? (Ivatts, 2005).
 In contrast to concerns to regularly recorded data on ?caravans? no statistics are automatically kept 
on the number of ?ethnic? (or other) Gypsies and Travellers who have moved from such traditional 
accommodation into registered social landlord housing, thus essentially ?losing? such Gypsies and 
Travellers within data on mainstream White British occupants.
 An annual census is taken in schools (PLASC) which records attainment and attendance of all pupils 
as well as including ethnic monitoring and self-ascription categories that incorporate options for 
Roma/Gypsy and Travellers of Irish Heritage. Ivatts (2005) estimates that only around 12% to 14% of 
pupils/parents are self-ascribing to GRT categories. Many parents report (see further Cemlyn et. al., 
2009) their reluctance to self-identify as Gypsies and Travellers as selecting this option is perceived 
of as exacerbating the risk of experiencing high levels of racism such as those identied within 
this report. Hence PLASC statistics, whilst a useful tool for calculating percentages of GRT pupils in 
certain localities are a signicant undercount of the real number of such children.
 Problematically then the two key datasets which exist, only identify young people below 
school leaving age (GRT is not routinely included as a category in college/university monitoring 
forms) and thus excludes older people, and exclude many families not resident in ?traditional? 
accommodation.
 Emerging Gypsy and Traveller Accommodation and other Needs Assessments (GTANA) data 
(collected in all local authorities with accommodation duties under the requirements of the 2004 
Housing Act) reveals a richer picture, since, as well as assessing accommodation needs many of 
these surveys contain useful information on employment and training needs. However, many 
GTANAs have been criticized for the extremely variable quality of data collected. Additionally not 
all such surveys include a focus on employment or income related data. Whilst GTANAs include a 
sample of housed Gypsies and Travellers (including New Travellers) they exclude Roma.
 Unlike some other data sources, GTANAs do however include a wide age range within their target 
groups and the better reports will include information on employment and educational attainment 
and aspiration (see further Appendix B). However, they inevitably only provide data on a sample 
of local Gypsy and Traveller residents/people traveling through the area which can merely be 
regarded as indicative of emerging trends within a specic locality. To date no attempt has been 
made to collate such localised data into a national prole. Thus, no denitive data set exists which 
reveals clear employment trends amongst the communities.
 In at attempt to identify where and how sources of information pertaining to the education and 
employment of Gypsies and Travellers can most eectively be accessed, the Traveller Economic 
Inclusion Project (TEIP) has summarised information on the contents of thirty four GTANAs in 
Appendix B.
 Assessing Integration in the light of paucity of data
 The Institute for Labour at the University of Bonn has devised a framework to aid in assessing the 
level of integration that Roma enjoy in Central/Eastern European societies. This tool is designed 
to act as a way of judging the eectiveness of projects delivered within the EU Decade for Roma 
Inclusion (cross national initiative to raise economic and social inclusion).
 The Bonn research team devised a criteria for analysing social inclusion which enables the 
categorisation of data sources. The ?rst best option? assumes that all the information required 
to assess Roma integration is available. The ?second best option? proposes the use of national 
data sets such as censuses, labour surveys and data on education which contain relevant ethnic 
categorisations. The ?third best option? consists of any dataset that may provide indicators of 
integration (IZA Research Report, No 21, 2009).
 If this mechanism is applied to the UK then the researcher would only have partial use of data 
termed ?second best?, re PLASC data and caravan count data. Most of the evidence which is 
available is more localised e.g. GTANA reports which would probably be classed as ?third best? 
as large sample surveys are of little use in detecting small minorities, especially when they are 
hesitant to self identify as in the case of Gypsies and Travellers.
 The UK is not unique in the paucity of accurate and detailed data on Gypsies Roma and Travellers. 
On March 9th, 2009 the European Union EPSCO (Employment, Social Policy, Health and Consumer 
Aairs) Council and the Commission jointly adopted the 2009 Report on Social Protection and 
Social Inclusion which concluded that in most countries a comprehensive policy framework for 
engaging with these minorities is still lacking, due in part to the non-availability of data and an 
insucient knowledge-base (EU, 2009).
 Comments on data quality and collection in the UK may therefore form part of a critique of UK 
policy responses towards Gypsies and Travellers.
 Flaws in existing data (as outlined above) thus present problems for trying to identify national 
traits in the Gypsy and Traveller population. Consequently, this makes it dicult to devise a truly 
representative sample of interviewees or match and compare interview ndings with national 
traits and trends in the Gypsy and Traveller population. Hence, two researchers with experience of 
Gypsy Traveller Accommodation Needs Assessments have stated ?Accurately establishing a ?base 
population? of Gypsy-Travellers is possibly one of the most dicult things to achieve in a research 
project? (Brown and Scullion, 2009), a view with which we can only concur.
Appendix B
 A summary of GTANA data relating to employment and economic inclusion
 The 34 GTANAs summarised below contain a number of references to employment and economic 
issues as these are factors which clearly impact on accommodation aspirations and aordability.
 Guidance issued by Communities and Local Government suggests that GTANA questionnaires 
should explore a number of factors that have economic signicance. For example, aordability, 
access to and take-up of housing benets; site restrictions which impact on employment, 
employment aspirations for children and whether there are work and storage space on sites (CLG, 
2007, 28 ? 31).
 Despite these recommendations, the light-touch included in the guidance in reference to 
employment and economic issues combined with the exibility and non-prescriptive nature of 
the guidance has led to great variation in the quality and type of information on this subject. 
Another factor which has contributed to sometimes limited concentration on these areas has 
been clearly identied community apprehension pertaining to questions of this nature which are 
often regarded with suspicion (see further Chapter One and Two for a more in-depth discussion). 
Accordingly, some GTANAs make detailed reference not only to employment types but income 
levels and the relationship between types of accommodation and work-related needs whilst 
others pay scant attention to this issue, merely summarising employment activities. Despite these 
variations only one GTANA of the thirty four summarised below, fails to make any reference to 
employment issues.
 The table below details the number of references within a possible total of 34 studies where 
reference is made to the topics listed within the GTANA guidance as pertaining to economic 
inclusion:
    Table B(i) Factors impacting on economic inclusion included in GTANA data
 Employment type 26/34
 Aordability of site (rental/purchase) 22/34
 Access to and take-up of Housing Benet 15/34
 Employment aspirations for children 7/34
 References to work space, storage and employment related 
nomadism 28/34
 Training Aspirations and Experiences 18/34
 Discrimination ? not explicitly in CLG guidance 18/34
 Income ? not explicitly included in CLG guidance 11/34
 Benets ? not explicitly included in CLG guidance 13/34
As can be seen in Table B(i) the most commonly explored topics relate directly to site design and 
provision with broader economic and social inclusion domains being less commonly explored.
 Table B(ii) Elements of GTANAs conforming to CLG guidance on domains relevant to 
economic inclusion
 GTANA
 (Locality) Employment Aordability
 Housing
 Benet
 Employment/
 Aspirations
 for Children
 Reference to
 Work/Storage
 Space/ Work
 Related Travel 
Training
 Other 
references 
not metioned
 in CLG 
guidance 
Bassetlaw
 Bedfordshire 
&
 Luton
 Birmingham, 
Coventry & 
Solihull
 Broadland
 within
 Norfolk
 Cambridge
 Cheshire
 Cumbria
 Derbyshire
 Devon
 Dorset
 East Kent
GTANA
 (Locality) Employment Aordability
 Housing
 Benet
 Employment/
 Aspirations
 for Children
 Reference to
 Work/Storage
 Space/ Work
 Related Travel 
Training
 Other 
references 
not metioned
 in CLG 
guidance 
Essex
 Gloucester
 Hertfordshire
 (Half)
 Hampshire
 &
 The Isle of
 Wight
 Lancashire
 Leicestershire
 &
 Rutland
 London
 Milton
 Keynes
 North East
 North Norfolk
 North Surrey
GTANA
 (Locality) Employment Aordability
 Housing
 Benet
 Employment/
 Aspirations
 for Children
 Reference to
 Work/Storage
 Space/ Work
 Related Travel 
Training
 Other 
references 
not metioned
 in CLG 
guidance 
Somerset
 South 
Holland
 South
 Kesteven
 South West
 Hertfordshire
 South 
Yorkshire
 Staordshire/
 Newcastle
 Under Lyme/
 Stoke
 Suolk
 Thames 
Valley
 West Sussex
 West Kent
 West Surrey
 Wiltshire
Appendix C
 The Survey Questionnaire
 Traveller Economic Inclusion Questionnaire/Topic Guide
 1/ 
* Age 
* Place of birth 
* Present location (region) (rural/urban) 
* Gender * Children (age/Do they live with you?) 
* What GRT group do you classify yourself as (Gypsy/Roma/Welsh/Scottish/Irish Traveller/mixed/
 New Traveller (other)) 
2/ Please tell us about your early life 
(i) Parents? occupation 
(ii) Parents? education 
(iii) Accommodation (site/house/nomadic) (site = local authority/private authorised/ private 
unauthorised/ unauthorised encampment)
 (iv) Most positive/negative experiences 
3/ Please tell us about your education 
(i) School (How long/How many? type) 
(ii) What was school like? (positive/negative?) 
(iii) Did you receive education/training after school? (positive/negative?) 
(iv) Do you have any educational qualications?
 4/ Please tell us about your current accommodation? 
(i) Accommodation (site/house/nomadic/ site (local authority, authorised private, unauthorised 
private, unauthorised encampment) 
(ii) Mortgage/Interested in credit to own a home 
(iii) Positives/negatives 
As can be seen in Table B(i) the most commonly explored topics relate directly to site design and 
provision with broader economic and social inclusion domains being less commonly explored.
5/ Please describe what you do for a living
  
(i) Title/roles 
(ii) How long have you been doing this? 
(iii) Give a brief outline of previous jobs 
(iv) What skills do you need in your present job? 
(v) How did you acquire these skills? 
(vi) What do you like/dislike about your job? 
(vii) Do you have employees? If yes what is their role? 
(viii) What has helped/inspire you to take this role? 
(ix) Do you tell customers/colleagues that you are a Gypsy/Traveller? (Give reasons)
 (x) What do other Gypsies/Travellers say about your work? 
(xi) Have/will your children follow you in your work? What do/will they do? 
(xii) Are you happy with your standard of living? 
(xiii) Do you have internet access? (where) Do you use it for work? 
6/ General Opinions and Experiences 
(i) What would you like to change in your life? (
 ii) Do you ever experience racism? 
(iii) Do many other Gypsies/Travellers do work like yours? (Give reasons)
 (iv) What do you think would help more Gypsies/Travellers get jobs/develop businesses?
 7/ Social Networks 
(i) Who do you spend most time with? (Family or Friends)
 (ii) Are the majority of your friends GRT? 
(iii) Where and when do you meet family and friends? 
(iv) Do you play a role in any outside groups those of work? (community groups, councils, political 
parties, trade unions etc) If yes, why? 
8/ Benets 
(i) Have you ever been unemployed? If so why?/Did you claim benets?
Appendix D
 Informed Consent and Project Information provided to Participants
 PARTICIPANT INFORMATION SHEET
 The Irish Traveller Movement in Britain are carrying out research to nd out how some Gypsies and 
Travellers have secured economic inclusion (that is set up a business or got into paid/professional 
employment)
 Thank you for considering taking part in this important research study. Without the participation 
of people like you we wouldn?t be able to work to bring about positive change for Gypsies and 
Travellers.
 What we want to do.
 We want to carry out tape recorded interviews with nancially successful Gypsies and Travellers.
 Anything you tell us will be anonymised ? for example we won?t tell anyone who you are, and will 
make sure your name is not included on any data so nobody can trace information back to you 
about your work or nancial situation.
 Nobody but the researchers will know who you are and all records will be locked away in a ling 
cabinet so nobody else can get to them.
 We will get rid of the tape we use for interview (wipe it) 12 months after the project. Only the 
person who copies out the tape into writing (transcribes it) will hear the tape.
 If you don?t want to be taped you can tell us and we can see if it is possible to write down your 
answers instead although it might not be as helpful for us as we can?t always get down everything 
you say about how you became successful if we aren?t able to record you.
 We hope that this research study will help other people know how to go about developing their 
own business and success.
 We hope that it will help policy makers such as local and central Government develop policies to 
help Gypsies and Travellers secure a good living, and get better jobs as well improving their general 
well being.
 How You Can Help? - What we want to know.
 We want to ask you questions about how you were successful in setting up a business/getting a 
job.
 We would like you to tell us what has helped you do this ? for example, access to family support; 
education; learning a trade from your family...
 Guarantee
 * We will only interview you if consent is given
 * We will pay you ?15 for the interview
 * The interview will be recorded but will be condential no one else will listen to it outside of the 
project and no reference to your name will be made in the nal report.
* You will be invited to a seminar where you will be told about the ndings of the research and be 
invited to comment before the nal report is written. You will be paid ?50 for attending the seminar 
and will have a chance to shape the ndings of the report.
 * You will get a nal copy of the report and a free place at a conference to discuss it.
 * If you decide you do not want to participate you can withdraw your consent at any time with no 
consequences to yourself.
 If you need more information contact???????????????????..
 With your permission we can send more information or talk to someone else on your behalf about 
the project.